
Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party

By
Karl
Marx
and
Fredrick
Engels



Written
Late
1847
First
Published
February
1847
Translated
From
German
by
Samuel
Moore
ed
by
Fredrick
Engels
in
1888
Offline
version
Marx
Engels
Internet
Archive
www
marxists
org
2001




A
spectre
is
haunting
Europe
the
spectre
of
communism
All
the
powers
of
old
Europe
have
entered
into
a
holy
alliance
to
exorcise
this
spectre
Pope
and
Tsar
Metternich
and
Guizot
French
Radicals
and
German
police
spies


Where
is
the
party
in
opposition
that
has
not
been
decried
as
communistic
by
its
opponents
in
power
Where
is
the
opposition
that
has
not
hurled
back
the
branding
reproach
of
communism
against
the
more
advanced
opposition
parties
as
well
as
against
its
reactionary
adversaries


Two
things
result
from
this
fact

I
Communism
is
already
acknowledged
by
all
European
powers
to
be
itself
a
power

II
It
is
high
time
that
Communists
should
openly
in
the
face
of
the
whole
world
publish
their
views
their
aims
their
tendencies
and
meet
this
nursery
tale
of
the
spectre
of
communism
with
a
manifesto
of
the
party
itself


To
this
end
Communists
of
various
nationalities
have
assembled
in
London
and
sketched
the
following
manifesto
to
be
published
in
the
English
French
German
Italian
Flemish
and
Danish
languages



Bourgeois
and
Proletarians



The
history
of
all
hitherto
existing
society
is
the
history
of
class
struggles


Freeman
and
slave
patrician
and
plebeian
lord
and
serf
guild
master
and
journeyman
in
a
word
oppressor
and
oppressed
stood
in
constant
opposition
to
one
another
carried
on
an
uninterrupted
now
hidden
now
open
fight
a
fight
that
each
time
ended
either
in
a
revolutionary
reconstitution
of
society
at
large
or
in
the
common
ruin
of
the
contending
classes


In
the
earlier
epochs
of
history
we
find
almost
everywhere
a
complicated
arrangement
of
society
into
various
orders
a
manifold
gradation
of
social
rank
In
ancient
Rome
we
have
patricians
knights
plebeians
slaves
in
the
Middle
Ages
feudal
lords
vassals
guild
masters
journeymen
apprentices
serfs
in
almost
all
of
these
classes
again
subordinate
gradations


The
modern
bourgeois
society
that
has
sprouted
from
the
ruins
of
feudal
society
has
not
done
away
with
class
antagonisms
It
has
but
established
new
classes
new
conditions
of
oppression
new
forms
of
struggle
in
place
of
the
old
ones


Our
epoch
the
epoch
of
the
bourgeoisie
possesses
however
this
distinct
feature
it
has
simplified
class
antagonisms
Society
as
a
whole
is
more
and
more
splitting
up
into
two
great
hostile
camps
into
two
great
classes
directly
facing
each
other
bourgeoisie
and
proletariat


From
the
serfs
of
the
Middle
Ages
sprang
the
chartered
burghers
of
the
earliest
towns
From
these
burgesses
the
first
elements
of
the
bourgeoisie
were
developed


The
discovery
of
America
the
rounding
of
the
Cape
opened
up
fresh
ground
for
the
rising
bourgeoisie
The
East
Indian
and
Chinese
markets
the
colonisation
of
America
trade
with
the
colonies
the
increase
in
the
means
of
exchange
and
in
commodities
generally
gave
to
commerce
to
navigation
to
industry
an
impulse
never
before
known
and
thereby
to
the
revolutionary
element
in
the
tottering
feudal
society
a
rapid
development


The
feudal
system
of
industry
in
which
industrial
production
was
monopolized
by
closed
guilds
now
no
longer
suffices
for
the
growing
wants
of
the
new
markets
The
manufacturing
system
took
its
place
The
guild
masters
were
pushed
aside
by
the
manufacturing
middle
class
division
of
labor
between
the
different
corporate
guilds
vanished
in
the
face
of
division
of
labor
in
each
single
workshop


Meantime
the
markets
kept
ever
growing
the
demand
ever
rising
Even
manufacturers
no
longer
sufficed
Thereupon
steam
and
machinery
revolutionized
industrial
production
The
place
of
manufacture
was
taken
by
the
giant
Modern
Industry
the
place
of
the
industrial
middle
class
by
industrial
millionaires
the
leaders
of
the
whole
industrial
armies
the
modern
bourgeois


Modern
industry
has
established
the
world
market
for
which
the
discovery
of
America
paved
the
way
This
market
has
given
an
immense
development
to
commerce
to
navigation
to
communication
by
land
This
development
has
in
turn
reacted
on
the
extension
of
industry
and
in
proportion
as
industry
commerce
navigation
railways
extended
in
the
same
proportion
the
bourgeoisie
developed
increased
its
capital
and
pushed
into
the
background
every
class
handed
down
from
the
Middle
Ages


We
see
therefore
how
the
modern
bourgeoisie
is
itself
the
product
of
a
long
course
of
development
of
a
series
of
revolutions
in
the
modes
of
production
and
of
exchange


Each
step
in
the
development
of
the
bourgeoisie
was
accompanied
by
a
corresponding
political
advance
in
that
class
An
oppressed
class
under
the
sway
of
the
feudal
nobility
an
armed
and
self
governing
association
of
medieval
commune
here
independent
urban
republic
as
in
Italy
and
Germany
there
taxable
third
estate
of
the
monarchy
as
in
France
afterward
in
the
period
of
manufacturing
proper
serving
either
the
semi
feudal
or
the
absolute
monarchy
as
a
counterpoise
against
the
nobility
and
in
fact
cornerstone
of
the
great
monarchies
in
general
the
bourgeoisie
has
at
last
since
the
establishment
of
Modern
Industry
and
of
the
world
market
conquered
for
itself
in
the
modern
representative
state
exclusive
political
sway
The
executive
of
the
modern
state
is
but
a
committee
for
managing
the
common
affairs
of
the
whole
bourgeoisie


The
bourgeoisie
historically
has
played
a
most
revolutionary
part


The
bourgeoisie
wherever
it
has
got
the
upper
hand
has
put
an
end
to
all
feudal
patriarchal
idyllic
relations
It
has
pitilessly
torn
asunder
the
motley
feudal
ties
that
bound
man
to
his
natural
superiors
and
has
left
no
other
nexus
between
man
and
man
than
naked
self
interest
than
callous
cash
payment
It
has
drowned
out
the
most
heavenly
ecstasies
of
religious
fervour
of
chivalrous
enthusiasm
of
philistine
sentimentalism
in
the
icy
water
of
egotistical
calculation
It
has
resolved
personal
worth
into
exchange
value
and
in
place
of
the
numberless
indefeasible
chartered
freedoms
has
set
up
that
single
unconscionable
freedom
Free
Trade
In
one
word
for
exploitation
veiled
by
religious
and
political
illusions
it
has
substituted
naked
shameless
direct
brutal
exploitation


The
bourgeoisie
has
stripped
of
its
halo
every
occupation
hitherto
honored
and
looked
up
to
with
reverent
awe
It
has
converted
the
physician
the
lawyer
the
priest
the
poet
the
man
of
science
into
its
paid
wage
laborers


The
bourgeoisie
has
torn
away
from
the
family
its
sentimental
veil
and
has
reduced
the
family
relation
into
a
mere
money
relation


The
bourgeoisie
has
disclosed
how
it
came
to
pass
that
the
brutal
display
of
vigour
in
the
Middle
Ages
which
reactionaries
so
much
admire
found
its
fitting
complement
in
the
most
slothful
indolence
It
has
been
the
first
to
show
what
man
s
activity
can
bring
about
It
has
accomplished
wonders
far
surpassing
Egyptian
pyramids
Roman
aqueducts
and
Gothic
cathedrals
it
has
conducted
expeditions
that
put
in
the
shade
all
former
exoduses
of
nations
and
crusades


The
bourgeoisie
cannot
exist
without
constantly
revolutionizing
the
instruments
of
production
and
thereby
the
relations
of
production
and
with
them
the
whole
relations
of
society
Conservation
of
the
old
modes
of
production
in
unaltered
form
was
on
the
contrary
the
first
condition
of
existence
for
all
earlier
industrial
classes
Constant
revolutionizing
of
production
uninterrupted
disturbance
of
all
social
conditions
everlasting
uncertainty
and
agitation
distinguish
the
bourgeois
epoch
from
all
earlier
ones
All
fixed
fast
frozen
relations
with
their
train
of
ancient
and
venerable
prejudices
and
opinions
are
swept
away
all
new
formed
ones
become
antiquated
before
they
can
ossify
All
that
is
solid
melts
into
air
all
that
is
holy
is
profaned
and
man
is
at
last
compelled
to
face
with
sober
senses
his
real
condition
of
life
and
his
relations
with
his
kind


The
need
of
a
constantly
expanding
market
for
its
products
chases
the
bourgeoisie
over
the
entire
surface
of
the
globe
It
must
nestle
everywhere
settle
everywhere
establish
connections
everywhere


The
bourgeoisie
has
through
its
exploitation
of
the
world
market
given
a
cosmopolitan
character
to
production
and
consumption
in
every
country
To
the
great
chagrin
of
reactionaries
it
has
drawn
from
under
the
feet
of
industry
the
national
ground
on
which
it
stood
All
old
established
national
industries
have
been
destroyed
or
are
daily
being
destroyed
They
are
dislodged
by
new
industries
whose
introduction
becomes
a
life
and
death
question
for
all
civilized
nations
by
industries
that
no
longer
work
up
indigenous
raw
material
but
raw
material
drawn
from
the
remotest
zones
industries
whose
products
are
consumed
not
only
at
home
but
in
every
quarter
of
the
globe
In
place
of
the
old
wants
satisfied
by
the
production
of
the
country
we
find
new
wants
requiring
for
their
satisfaction
the
products
of
distant
lands
and
climes
In
place
of
the
old
local
and
national
seclusion
and
self
sufficiency
we
have
intercourse
in
every
direction
universal
inter
dependence
of
nations
And
as
in
material
so
also
in
intellectual
production
The
intellectual
creations
of
individual
nations
become
common
property
National
one
sidedness
and
narrow
mindedness
become
more
and
more
impossible
and
from
the
numerous
national
and
local
literatures
there
arises
a
world
literature


The
bourgeoisie
by
the
rapid
improvement
of
all
instruments
of
production
by
the
immensely
facilitated
means
of
communication
draws
all
even
the
most
barbarian
nations
into
civilization
The
cheap
prices
of
commodities
are
the
heavy
artillery
with
which
it
forces
the
barbarians
intensely
obstinate
hatred
of
foreigners
to
capitulate
It
compels
all
nations
on
pain
of
extinction
to
adopt
the
bourgeois
mode
of
production
it
compels
them
to
introduce
what
it
calls
civilization
into
their
midst
i
e
to
become
bourgeois
themselves
In
one
word
it
creates
a
world
after
its
own
image


The
bourgeoisie
has
subjected
the
country
to
the
rule
of
the
towns
It
has
created
enormous
cities
has
greatly
increased
the
urban
population
as
compared
with
the
rural
and
has
thus
rescued
a
considerable
part
of
the
population
from
the
idiocy
of
rural
life
Just
as
it
has
made
the
country
dependent
on
the
towns
so
it
has
made
barbarian
and
semi
barbarian
countries
dependent
on
the
civilized
ones
nations
of
peasants
on
nations
of
bourgeois
the
East
on
the
West


The
bourgeoisie
keeps
more
and
more
doing
away
with
the
scattered
state
of
the
population
of
the
means
of
production
and
of
property
It
has
agglomerated
population
centralized
the
means
of
production
and
has
concentrated
property
in
a
few
hands
The
necessary
consequence
of
this
was
political
centralization
Independent
or
but
loosely
connected
provinces
with
separate
interests
laws
governments
and
systems
of
taxation
became
lumped
together
into
one
nation
with
one
government
one
code
of
laws
one
national
class
interest
one
frontier
and
one
customs
tariff


The
bourgeoisie
during
its
rule
of
scarce
one
hundred
years
has
created
more
massive
and
more
colossal
productive
forces
than
have
all
preceding
generations
together
Subjection
of
nature
s
forces
to
man
machinery
application
of
chemistry
to
industry
and
agriculture
steam
navigation
railways
electric
telegraphs
clearing
of
whole
continents
for
cultivation
canalization
or
rivers
whole
populations
conjured
out
of
the
ground
what
earlier
century
had
even
a
presentiment
that
such
productive
forces
slumbered
in
the
lap
of
social
labor


We
see
then
the
means
of
production
and
of
exchange
on
whose
foundation
the
bourgeoisie
built
itself
up
were
generated
in
feudal
society
At
a
certain
stage
in
the
development
of
these
means
of
production
and
of
exchange
the
conditions
under
which
feudal
society
produced
and
exchanged
the
feudal
organization
of
agriculture
and
manufacturing
industry
in
one
word
the
feudal
relations
of
property
became
no
longer
compatible
with
the
already
developed
productive
forces
they
became
so
many
fetters
They
had
to
be
burst
asunder
they
were
burst
asunder


Into
their
place
stepped
free
competition
accompanied
by
a
social
and
political
constitution
adapted
in
it
and
the
economic
and
political
sway
of
the
bourgeois
class


A
similar
movement
is
going
on
before
our
own
eyes
Modern
bourgeois
society
with
its
relations
of
production
of
exchange
and
of
property
a
society
that
has
conjured
up
such
gigantic
means
of
production
and
of
exchange
is
like
the
sorcerer
who
is
no
longer
able
to
control
the
powers
of
the
nether
world
whom
he
has
called
up
by
his
spells
For
many
a
decade
past
the
history
of
industry
and
commerce
is
but
the
history
of
the
revolt
of
modern
productive
forces
against
modern
conditions
of
production
against
the
property
relations
that
are
the
conditions
for
the
existence
of
the
bourgeois
and
of
its
rule
It
is
enough
to
mention
the
commercial
crises
that
by
their
periodical
return
put
the
existence
of
the
entire
bourgeois
society
on
its
trial
each
time
more
threateningly
In
these
crises
a
great
part
not
only
of
the
existing
products
but
also
of
the
previously
created
productive
forces
are
periodically
destroyed
In
these
crises
there
breaks
out
an
epidemic
that
in
all
earlier
epochs
would
have
seemed
an
absurdity
the
epidemic
of
over
production
Society
suddenly
finds
itself
put
back
into
a
state
of
momentary
barbarism
it
appears
as
if
a
famine
a
universal
war
of
devastation
had
cut
off
the
supply
of
every
means
of
subsistence
industry
and
commerce
seem
to
be
destroyed
And
why
Because
there
is
too
much
civilization
too
much
means
of
subsistence
too
much
industry
too
much
commerce
The
productive
forces
at
the
disposal
of
society
no
longer
tend
to
further
the
development
of
the
conditions
of
bourgeois
property
on
the
contrary
they
have
become
too
powerful
for
these
conditions
by
which
they
are
fettered
and
so
soon
as
they
overcome
these
fetters
they
bring
disorder
into
the
whole
of
bourgeois
society
endanger
the
existence
of
bourgeois
property
The
conditions
of
bourgeois
society
are
too
narrow
to
comprise
the
wealth
created
by
them
And
how
does
the
bourgeoisie
get
over
these
crises
On
the
one
hand
by
enforced
destruction
of
a
mass
of
productive
forces
on
the
other
by
the
conquest
of
new
markets
and
by
the
more
thorough
exploitation
of
the
old
ones
That
is
to
say
by
paving
the
way
for
more
extensive
and
more
destructive
crises
and
by
diminishing
the
means
whereby
crises
are
prevented


The
weapons
with
which
the
bourgeoisie
felled
feudalism
to
the
ground
are
now
turned
against
the
bourgeoisie
itself


But
not
only
has
the
bourgeoisie
forged
the
weapons
that
bring
death
to
itself
it
has
also
called
into
existence
the
men
who
are
to
wield
those
weapons
the
modern
working
class
the
proletarians


In
proportion
as
the
bourgeoisie
i
e
capital
is
developed
in
the
same
proportion
is
the
proletariat
the
modern
working
class
developed
a
class
of
laborers
who
live
only
so
long
as
they
find
work
and
who
find
work
only
so
long
as
their
labor
increases
capital
These
laborers
who
must
sell
themselves
piecemeal
are
a
commodity
like
every
other
article
of
commerce
and
are
consequently
exposed
to
all
the
vicissitudes
of
competition
to
all
the
fluctuations
of
the
market


Owing
to
the
extensive
use
of
machinery
and
to
the
division
of
labor
the
work
of
the
proletarians
has
lost
all
individual
character
and
consequently
all
charm
for
the
workman
He
becomes
an
appendage
of
the
machine
and
it
is
only
the
most
simple
most
monotonous
and
most
easily
acquired
knack
that
is
required
of
him
Hence
the
cost
of
production
of
a
workman
is
restricted
almost
entirely
to
the
means
of
subsistence
that
he
requires
for
maintenance
and
for
the
propagation
of
his
race
But
the
price
of
a
commodity
and
therefore
also
of
labor
is
equal
to
its
cost
of
production
In
proportion
therefore
as
the
repulsiveness
of
the
work
increases
the
wage
decreases
What
is
more
in
proportion
as
the
use
of
machinery
and
division
of
labor
increases
in
the
same
proportion
the
burden
of
toil
also
increases
whether
by
prolongation
of
the
working
hours
by
the
increase
of
the
work
exacted
in
a
given
time
or
by
increased
speed
of
machinery
etc


Modern
Industry
has
converted
the
little
workshop
of
the
patriarchal
master
into
the
great
factory
of
the
industrial
capitalist
Masses
of
laborers
crowded
into
the
factory
are
organized
like
soldiers
As
privates
of
the
industrial
army
they
are
placed
under
the
command
of
a
perfect
hierarchy
of
officers
and
sergeants
Not
only
are
they
slaves
of
the
bourgeois
class
and
of
the
bourgeois
state
they
are
daily
and
hourly
enslaved
by
the
machine
by
the
overlooker
and
above
all
in
the
individual
bourgeois
manufacturer
himself
The
more
openly
this
despotism
proclaims
gain
to
be
its
end
and
aim
the
more
petty
the
more
hateful
and
the
more
embittering
it
is


The
less
the
skill
and
exertion
of
strength
implied
in
manual
labor
in
other
words
the
more
modern
industry
becomes
developed
the
more
is
the
labor
of
men
superseded
by
that
of
women
Differences
of
age
and
sex
have
no
longer
any
distinctive
social
validity
for
the
working
class
All
are
instruments
of
labor
more
or
less
expensive
to
use
according
to
their
age
and
sex


No
sooner
is
the
exploitation
of
the
laborer
by
the
manufacturer
so
far
at
an
end
that
he
receives
his
wages
in
cash
than
he
is
set
upon
by
the
other
portion
of
the
bourgeoisie
the
landlord
the
shopkeeper
the
pawnbroker
etc


The
lower
strata
of
the
middle
class
the
small
tradespeople
shopkeepers
and
retired
tradesmen
generally
the
handicraftsmen
and
peasants
all
these
sink
gradually
into
the
proletariat
partly
because
their
diminutive
capital
does
not
suffice
for
the
scale
on
which
Modern
Industry
is
carried
on
and
is
swamped
in
the
competition
with
the
large
capitalists
partly
because
their
specialized
skill
is
rendered
worthless
by
new
methods
of
production
Thus
the
proletariat
is
recruited
from
all
classes
of
the
population


The
proletariat
goes
through
various
stages
of
development
With
its
birth
begins
its
struggle
with
the
bourgeoisie
At
first
the
contest
is
carried
on
by
individual
laborers
then
by
the
work
of
people
of
a
factory
then
by
the
operative
of
one
trade
in
one
locality
against
the
individual
bourgeois
who
directly
exploits
them
They
direct
their
attacks
not
against
the
bourgeois
condition
of
production
but
against
the
instruments
of
production
themselves
they
destroy
imported
wares
that
compete
with
their
labor
they
smash
to
pieces
machinery
they
set
factories
ablaze
they
seek
to
restore
by
force
the
vanished
status
of
the
workman
of
the
Middle
Ages


At
this
stage
the
laborers
still
form
an
incoherent
mass
scattered
over
the
whole
country
and
broken
up
by
their
mutual
competition
If
anywhere
they
unite
to
form
more
compact
bodies
this
is
not
yet
the
consequence
of
their
own
active
union
but
of
the
union
of
the
bourgeoisie
which
class
in
order
to
attain
its
own
political
ends
is
compelled
to
set
the
whole
proletariat
in
motion
and
is
moreover
yet
for
a
time
able
to
do
so
At
this
stage
therefore
the
proletarians
do
not
fight
their
enemies
but
the
enemies
of
their
enemies
the
remnants
of
absolute
monarchy
the
landowners
the
non
industrial
bourgeois
the
petty
bourgeois
Thus
the
whole
historical
movement
is
concentrated
in
the
hands
of
the
bourgeoisie
every
victory
so
obtained
is
a
victory
for
the
bourgeoisie


But
with
the
development
of
industry
the
proletariat
not
only
increases
in
number
it
becomes
concentrated
in
greater
masses
its
strength
grows
and
it
feels
that
strength
more
The
various
interests
and
conditions
of
life
within
the
ranks
of
the
proletariat
are
more
and
more
equalized
in
proportion
as
machinery
obliterates
all
distinctions
of
labor
and
nearly
everywhere
reduces
wages
to
the
same
low
level
The
growing
competition
among
the
bourgeois
and
the
resulting
commercial
crises
make
the
wages
of
the
workers
ever
more
fluctuating
The
increasing
improvement
of
machinery
ever
more
rapidly
developing
makes
their
livelihood
more
and
more
precarious
the
collisions
between
individual
workmen
and
individual
bourgeois
take
more
and
more
the
character
of
collisions
between
two
classes
Thereupon
the
workers
begin
to
form
combinations
trade
unions
against
the
bourgeois
they
club
together
in
order
to
keep
up
the
rate
of
wages
they
found
permanent
associations
in
order
to
make
provision
beforehand
for
these
occasional
revolts
Here
and
there
the
contest
breaks
out
into
riots


Now
and
then
the
workers
are
victorious
but
only
for
a
time
The
real
fruit
of
their
battles
lie
not
in
the
immediate
result
but
in
the
ever
expanding
union
of
the
workers
This
union
is
helped
on
by
the
improved
means
of
communication
that
are
created
by
Modern
Industry
and
that
place
the
workers
of
different
localities
in
contact
with
one
another
It
was
just
this
contact
that
was
needed
to
centralize
the
numerous
local
struggles
all
of
the
same
character
into
one
national
struggle
between
classes
But
every
class
struggle
is
a
political
struggle
And
that
union
to
attain
which
the
burghers
of
the
Middle
Ages
with
their
miserable
highways
required
centuries
the
modern
proletarian
thanks
to
railways
achieve
in
a
few
years


This
organization
of
the
proletarians
into
a
class
and
consequently
into
a
political
party
is
continually
being
upset
again
by
the
competition
between
the
workers
themselves
But
it
ever
rises
up
again
stronger
firmer
mightier
It
compels
legislative
recognition
of
particular
interests
of
the
workers
by
taking
advantage
of
the
divisions
among
the
bourgeoisie
itself
Thus
the
Ten
Hours
Bill
in
England
was
carried


Altogether
collisions
between
the
classes
of
the
old
society
further
in
many
ways
the
course
of
development
of
the
proletariat
The
bourgeoisie
finds
itself
involved
in
a
constant
battle
At
first
with
the
aristocracy
later
on
with
those
portions
of
the
bourgeoisie
itself
whose
interests
have
become
antagonistic
to
the
progress
of
industry
at
all
time
with
the
bourgeoisie
of
foreign
countries
In
all
these
battles
it
sees
itself
compelled
to
appeal
to
the
proletariat
to
ask
for
help
and
thus
to
drag
it
into
the
political
arena
The
bourgeoisie
itself
therefore
supplies
the
proletariat
with
its
own
elements
of
political
and
general
education
in
other
words
it
furnishes
the
proletariat
with
weapons
for
fighting
the
bourgeoisie


Further
as
we
have
already
seen
entire
sections
of
the
ruling
class
are
by
the
advance
of
industry
precipitated
into
the
proletariat
or
are
at
least
threatened
in
their
conditions
of
existence
These
also
supply
the
proletariat
with
fresh
elements
of
enlightenment
and
progress


Finally
in
times
when
the
class
struggle
nears
the
decisive
hour
the
progress
of
dissolution
going
on
within
the
ruling
class
in
fact
within
the
whole
range
of
old
society
assumes
such
a
violent
glaring
character
that
a
small
section
of
the
ruling
class
cuts
itself
adrift
and
joins
the
revolutionary
class
the
class
that
holds
the
future
in
its
hands
Just
as
therefore
at
an
earlier
period
a
section
of
the
nobility
went
over
to
the
bourgeoisie
so
now
a
portion
of
the
bourgeoisie
goes
over
to
the
proletariat
and
in
particular
a
portion
of
the
bourgeois
ideologists
who
have
raised
themselves
to
the
level
of
comprehending
theoretically
the
historical
movement
as
a
whole


Of
all
the
classes
that
stand
face
to
face
with
the
bourgeoisie
today
the
proletariat
alone
is
a
genuinely
revolutionary
class
The
other
classes
decay
and
finally
disappear
in
the
face
of
Modern
Industry
the
proletariat
is
its
special
and
essential
product


The
lower
middle
class
the
small
manufacturer
the
shopkeeper
the
artisan
the
peasant
all
these
fight
against
the
bourgeoisie
to
save
from
extinction
their
existence
as
fractions
of
the
middle
class
They
are
therefore
not
revolutionary
but
conservative
Nay
more
they
are
reactionary
for
they
try
to
roll
back
the
wheel
of
history
If
by
chance
they
are
revolutionary
they
are
only
so
in
view
of
their
impending
transfer
into
the
proletariat
they
thus
defend
not
their
present
but
their
future
interests
they
desert
their
own
standpoint
to
place
themselves
at
that
of
the
proletariat


The
dangerous
class
the
social
scum
that
passively
rotting
mass
thrown
off
by
the
lowest
layers
of
the
old
society
may
here
and
there
be
swept
into
the
movement
by
a
proletarian
revolution
its
conditions
of
life
however
prepare
it
far
more
for
the
part
of
a
bribed
tool
of
reactionary
intrigue


In
the
condition
of
the
proletariat
those
of
old
society
at
large
are
already
virtually
swamped
The
proletarian
is
without
property
his
relation
to
his
wife
and
children
has
no
longer
anything
in
common
with
the
bourgeois
family
relations
modern
industry
labor
modern
subjection
to
capital
the
same
in
England
as
in
France
in
America
as
in
Germany
has
stripped
him
of
every
trace
of
national
character
Law
morality
religion
are
to
him
so
many
bourgeois
prejudices
behind
which
lurk
in
ambush
just
as
many
bourgeois
interests


All
the
preceding
classes
that
got
the
upper
hand
sought
to
fortify
their
already
acquired
status
by
subjecting
society
at
large
to
their
conditions
of
appropriation
The
proletarians
cannot
become
masters
of
the
productive
forces
of
society
except
by
abolishing
their
own
previous
mode
of
appropriation
and
thereby
also
every
other
previous
mode
of
appropriation
They
have
nothing
of
their
own
to
secure
and
to
fortify
their
mission
is
to
destroy
all
previous
securities
for
and
insurances
of
individual
property


All
previous
historical
movements
were
movements
of
minorities
or
in
the
interest
of
minorities
The
proletarian
movement
is
the
self
conscious
independent
movement
of
the
immense
majority
in
the
interest
of
the
immense
majority
The
proletariat
the
lowest
stratum
of
our
present
society
cannot
stir
cannot
raise
itself
up
without
the
whole
super
incumbent
strata
of
official
society
being
sprung
into
the
air


Though
not
in
substance
yet
in
form
the
struggle
of
the
proletariat
with
the
bourgeoisie
is
at
first
a
national
struggle
The
proletariat
of
each
country
must
of
course
first
of
all
settle
matters
with
its
own
bourgeoisie


In
depicting
the
most
general
phases
of
the
development
of
the
proletariat
we
traced
the
more
or
less
veiled
civil
war
raging
within
existing
society
up
to
the
point
where
that
war
breaks
out
into
open
revolution
and
where
the
violent
overthrow
of
the
bourgeoisie
lays
the
foundation
for
the
sway
of
the
proletariat


Hitherto
every
form
of
society
has
been
based
as
we
have
already
seen
on
the
antagonism
of
oppressing
and
oppressed
classes
But
in
order
to
oppress
a
class
certain
conditions
must
be
assured
to
it
under
which
it
can
at
least
continue
its
slavish
existence
The
serf
in
the
period
of
serfdom
raised
himself
to
membership
in
the
commune
just
as
the
petty
bourgeois
under
the
yoke
of
the
feudal
absolutism
managed
to
develop
into
a
bourgeois
The
modern
laborer
on
the
contrary
instead
of
rising
with
the
process
of
industry
sinks
deeper
and
deeper
below
the
conditions
of
existence
of
his
own
class
He
becomes
a
pauper
and
pauperism
develops
more
rapidly
than
population
and
wealth
And
here
it
becomes
evident
that
the
bourgeoisie
is
unfit
any
longer
to
be
the
ruling
class
in
society
and
to
impose
its
conditions
of
existence
upon
society
as
an
overriding
law
It
is
unfit
to
rule
because
it
is
incompetent
to
assure
an
existence
to
its
slave
within
his
slavery
because
it
cannot
help
letting
him
sink
into
such
a
state
that
it
has
to
feed
him
instead
of
being
fed
by
him
Society
can
no
longer
live
under
this
bourgeoisie
in
other
words
its
existence
is
no
longer
compatible
with
society


The
essential
conditions
for
the
existence
and
for
the
sway
of
the
bourgeois
class
is
the
formation
and
augmentation
of
capital
the
condition
for
capital
is
wage
labor
Wage
labor
rests
exclusively
on
competition
between
the
laborers
The
advance
of
industry
whose
involuntary
promoter
is
the
bourgeoisie
replaces
the
isolation
of
the
laborers
due
to
competition
by
the
revolutionary
combination
due
to
association
The
development
of
Modern
Industry
therefore
cuts
from
under
its
feet
the
very
foundation
on
which
the
bourgeoisie
produces
and
appropriates
products
What
the
bourgeoisie
therefore
produces
above
all
are
its
own
grave
diggers
Its
fall
and
the
victory
of
the
proletariat
are
equally
inevitable




Proletarians
and
Communists




In
what
relation
do
the
Communists
stand
to
the
proletarians
as
a
whole
The
Communists
do
not
form
a
separate
party
opposed
to
the
other
working
class
parties


They
have
no
interests
separate
and
apart
from
those
of
the
proletariat
as
a
whole


They
do
not
set
up
any
sectarian
principles
of
their
own
by
which
to
shape
and
mold
the
proletarian
movement


The
Communists
are
distinguished
from
the
other
working
class
parties
by
this
only


1
In
the
national
struggles
of
the
proletarians
of
the
different
countries
they
point
out
and
bring
to
the
front
the
common
interests
of
the
entire
proletariat
independently
of
all
nationality


2
In
the
various
stages
of
development
which
the
struggle
of
the
working
class
against
the
bourgeoisie
has
to
pass
through
they
always
and
everywhere
represent
the
interests
of
the
movement
as
a
whole


The
Communists
therefore
are
on
the
one
hand
practically
the
most
advanced
and
resolute
section
of
the
working
class
parties
of
every
country
that
section
which
pushes
forward
all
others
on
the
other
hand
theoretically
they
have
over
the
great
mass
of
the
proletariat
the
advantage
of
clearly
understanding
the
lines
of
march
the
conditions
and
the
ultimate
general
results
of
the
proletarian
movement


The
immediate
aim
of
the
Communists
is
the
same
as
that
of
all
other
proletarian
parties
Formation
of
the
proletariat
into
a
class
overthrow
of
the
bourgeois
supremacy
conquest
of
political
power
by
the
proletariat


The
theoretical
conclusions
of
the
Communists
are
in
no
way
based
on
ideas
or
principles
that
have
been
invented
or
discovered
by
this
or
that
would
be
universal
reformer


They
merely
express
in
general
terms
actual
relations
springing
from
an
existing
class
struggle
from
a
historical
movement
going
on
under
our
very
eyes
The
abolition
of
existing
property
relations
is
not
at
all
a
distinctive
feature
of
communism


All
property
relations
in
the
past
have
continually
been
subject
to
historical
change
consequent
upon
the
change
in
historical
conditions


The
French
Revolution
for
example
abolished
feudal
property
in
favor
of
bourgeois
property


The
distinguishing
feature
of
communism
is
not
the
abolition
of
property
generally
but
the
abolition
of
bourgeois
property
But
modern
bourgeois
private
property
is
the
final
and
most
complete
expression
of
the
system
of
producing
and
appropriating
products
that
is
based
on
class
antagonisms
on
the
exploitation
of
the
many
by
the
few


In
this
sense
the
theory
of
the
Communists
may
be
summed
up
in
the
single
sentence
Abolition
of
private
property


We
Communists
have
been
reproached
with
the
desire
of
abolishing
the
right
of
personally
acquiring
property
as
the
fruit
of
a
man
s
own
labor
which
property
is
alleged
to
be
the
groundwork
of
all
personal
freedom
activity
and
independence


Hard
won
self
acquired
self
earned
property
Do
you
mean
the
property
of
petty
artisan
and
of
the
small
peasant
a
form
of
property
that
preceded
the
bourgeois
form
There
is
no
need
to
abolish
that
the
development
of
industry
has
to
a
great
extent
already
destroyed
it
and
is
still
destroying
it
daily


Or
do
you
mean
the
modern
bourgeois
private
property


But
does
wage
labor
create
any
property
for
the
laborer
Not
a
bit
It
creates
capital
i
e
that
kind
of
property
which
exploits
wage
labor
and
which
cannot
increase
except
upon
conditions
of
begetting
a
new
supply
of
wage
labor
for
fresh
exploitation
Property
in
its
present
form
is
based
on
the
antagonism
of
capital
and
wage
labor
Let
us
examine
both
sides
of
this
antagonism


To
be
a
capitalist
is
to
have
not
only
a
purely
personal
but
a
social
status
in
production
Capital
is
a
collective
product
and
only
by
the
united
action
of
many
members
nay
in
the
last
resort
only
by
the
united
action
of
all
members
of
society
can
it
be
set
in
motion


Capital
is
therefore
not
only
personal
it
is
a
social
power


When
therefore
capital
is
converted
into
common
property
into
the
property
of
all
members
of
society
personal
property
is
not
thereby
transformed
into
social
property
It
is
only
the
social
character
of
the
property
that
is
changed
It
loses
its
class
character


Let
us
now
take
wage
labor


The
average
price
of
wage
labor
is
the
minimum
wage
i
e
that
quantum
of
the
means
of
subsistence
which
is
absolutely
requisite
to
keep
the
laborer
in
bare
existence
as
a
laborer
What
therefore
the
wage
laborer
appropriates
by
means
of
his
labor
merely
suffices
to
prolong
and
reproduce
a
bare
existence
We
by
no
means
intend
to
abolish
this
personal
appropriation
of
the
products
of
labor
an
appropriation
that
is
made
for
the
maintenance
and
reproduction
of
human
life
and
that
leaves
no
surplus
wherewith
to
command
the
labor
of
others
All
that
we
want
to
do
away
with
is
the
miserable
character
of
this
appropriation
under
which
the
laborer
lives
merely
to
increase
capital
and
is
allowed
to
live
only
in
so
far
as
the
interest
of
the
ruling
class
requires
it


In
bourgeois
society
living
labor
is
but
a
means
to
increase
accumulated
labor
In
communist
society
accumulated
labor
is
but
a
means
to
widen
to
enrich
to
promote
the
existence
of
the
laborer


In
bourgeois
society
therefore
the
past
dominates
the
present
in
communist
society
the
present
dominates
the
past
In
bourgeois
society
capital
is
independent
and
has
individuality
while
the
living
person
is
dependent
and
has
no
individuality


And
the
abolition
of
this
state
of
things
is
called
by
the
bourgeois
abolition
of
individuality
and
freedom
And
rightly
so
The
abolition
of
bourgeois
individuality
bourgeois
independence
and
bourgeois
freedom
is
undoubtedly
aimed
at


By
freedom
is
meant
under
the
present
bourgeois
conditions
of
production
free
trade
free
selling
and
buying


But
if
selling
and
buying
disappears
free
selling
and
buying
disappears
also
This
talk
about
free
selling
and
buying
and
all
the
other
brave
words
of
our
bourgeois
about
freedom
in
general
have
a
meaning
if
any
only
in
contrast
with
restricted
selling
and
buying
with
the
fettered
traders
of
the
Middle
Ages
but
have
no
meaning
when
opposed
to
the
communist
abolition
of
buying
and
selling
or
the
bourgeois
conditions
of
production
and
of
the
bourgeoisie
itself


You
are
horrified
at
our
intending
to
do
away
with
private
property
But
in
your
existing
society
private
property
is
already
done
away
with
for
nine
tenths
of
the
population
its
existence
for
the
few
is
solely
due
to
its
non
existence
in
the
hands
of
those
nine
tenths
You
reproach
us
therefore
with
intending
to
do
away
with
a
form
of
property
the
necessary
condition
for
whose
existence
is
the
non
existence
of
any
property
for
the
immense
majority
of
society


In
one
word
you
reproach
us
with
intending
to
do
away
with
your
property
Precisely
so
that
is
just
what
we
intend


From
the
moment
when
labor
can
no
longer
be
converted
into
capital
money
or
rent
into
a
social
power
capable
of
being
monopolized
i
e
from
the
moment
when
individual
property
can
no
longer
be
transformed
into
bourgeois
property
into
capital
from
that
moment
you
say
individuality
vanishes


You
must
therefore
confess
that
by
individual
you
mean
no
other
person
than
the
bourgeois
than
the
middle
class
owner
of
property
This
person
must
indeed
be
swept
out
of
the
way
and
made
impossible


Communism
deprives
no
man
of
the
power
to
appropriate
the
products
of
society
all
that
it
does
is
to
deprive
him
of
the
power
to
subjugate
the
labor
of
others
by
means
of
such
appropriations


It
has
been
objected
that
upon
the
abolition
of
private
property
all
work
will
cease
and
universal
laziness
will
overtake
us


According
to
this
bourgeois
society
ought
long
ago
to
have
gone
to
the
dogs
through
sheer
idleness
for
those
who
acquire
anything
do
not
work
The
whole
of
this
objection
is
but
another
expression
of
the
tautology
There
can
no
longer
be
any
wage
labor
when
there
is
no
longer
any
capital


All
objections
urged
against
the
communistic
mode
of
producing
and
appropriating
material
products
have
in
the
same
way
been
urged
against
the
communistic
mode
of
producing
and
appropriating
intellectual
products
Just
as
to
the
bourgeois
the
disappearance
of
class
property
is
the
disappearance
of
production
itself
so
the
disappearance
of
class
culture
is
to
him
identical
with
the
disappearance
of
all
culture


That
culture
the
loss
of
which
he
laments
is
for
the
enormous
majority
a
mere
training
to
act
as
a
machine


But
don
t
wrangle
with
us
so
long
as
you
apply
to
our
intended
abolition
of
bourgeois
property
the
standard
of
your
bourgeois
notions
of
freedom
culture
law
etc
Your
very
ideas
are
but
the
outgrowth
of
the
conditions
of
your
bourgeois
production
and
bourgeois
property
just
as
your
jurisprudence
is
but
the
will
of
your
class
made
into
a
law
for
all
a
will
whose
essential
character
and
direction
are
determined
by
the
economical
conditions
of
existence
of
your
class


The
selfish
misconception
that
induces
you
to
transform
into
eternal
laws
of
nature
and
of
reason
the
social
forms
stringing
from
your
present
mode
of
production
and
form
of
property
historical
relations
that
rise
and
disappear
in
the
progress
of
production
this
misconception
you
share
with
every
ruling
class
that
has
preceded
you
What
you
see
clearly
in
the
case
of
ancient
property
what
you
admit
in
the
case
of
feudal
property
you
are
of
course
forbidden
to
admit
in
the
case
of
your
own
bourgeois
form
of
property


Abolition
of
the
family
Even
the
most
radical
flare
up
at
this
infamous
proposal
of
the
Communists


On
what
foundation
is
the
present
family
the
bourgeois
family
based
On
capital
on
private
gain
In
its
completely
developed
form
this
family
exists
only
among
the
bourgeoisie
But
this
state
of
things
finds
its
complement
in
the
practical
absence
of
the
family
among
proletarians
and
in
public
prostitution


The
bourgeois
family
will
vanish
as
a
matter
of
course
when
its
complement
vanishes
and
both
will
vanish
with
the
vanishing
of
capital


Do
you
charge
us
with
wanting
to
stop
the
exploitation
of
children
by
their
parents
To
this
crime
we
plead
guilty


But
you
say
we
destroy
the
most
hallowed
of
relations
when
we
replace
home
education
by
social


And
your
education
Is
not
that
also
social
and
determined
by
the
social
conditions
under
which
you
educate
by
the
intervention
direct
or
indirect
of
society
by
means
of
schools
etc
The
Communists
have
not
intended
the
intervention
of
society
in
education
they
do
but
seek
to
alter
the
character
of
that
intervention
and
to
rescue
education
from
the
influence
of
the
ruling
class


The
bourgeois
claptrap
about
the
family
and
education
about
the
hallowed
correlation
of
parents
and
child
becomes
all
the
more
disgusting
the
more
by
the
action
of
Modern
Industry
all
the
family
ties
among
the
proletarians
are
torn
asunder
and
their
children
transformed
into
simple
articles
of
commerce
and
instruments
of
labor


But
you
Communists
would
introduce
community
of
women
screams
the
bourgeoisie
in
chorus


The
bourgeois
sees
his
wife
a
mere
instrument
of
production
He
hears
that
the
instruments
of
production
are
to
be
exploited
in
common
and
naturally
can
come
to
no
other
conclusion
that
the
lot
of
being
common
to
all
will
likewise
fall
to
the
women


He
has
not
even
a
suspicion
that
the
real
point
aimed
at
is
to
do
away
with
the
status
of
women
as
mere
instruments
of
production


For
the
rest
nothing
is
more
ridiculous
than
the
virtuous
indignation
of
our
bourgeois
at
the
community
of
women
which
they
pretend
is
to
be
openly
and
officially
established
by
the
Communists
The
Communists
have
no
need
to
introduce
free
love
it
has
existed
almost
from
time
immemorial


Our
bourgeois
not
content
with
having
wives
and
daughters
of
their
proletarians
at
their
disposal
not
to
speak
of
common
prostitutes
take
the
greatest
pleasure
in
seducing
each
other
s
wives


Bourgeois
marriage
is
in
reality
a
system
of
wives
in
common
and
thus
at
the
most
what
the
Communists
might
possibly
be
reproached
with
is
that
they
desire
to
introduce
in
substitution
for
a
hypocritically
concealed
an
openly
legalized
system
of
free
love
For
the
rest
it
is
self
evident
that
the
abolition
of
the
present
system
of
production
must
bring
with
it
the
abolition
of
free
love
springing
from
that
system
i
e
of
prostitution
both
public
and
private


The
Communists
are
further
reproached
with
desiring
to
abolish
countries
and
nationality


The
working
men
have
no
country
We
cannot
take
from
them
what
they
have
not
got
Since
the
proletariat
must
first
of
all
acquire
political
supremacy
must
rise
to
be
the
leading
class
of
the
nation
must
constitute
itself
the
nation
it
is
so
far
itself
national
though
not
in
the
bourgeois
sense
of
the
word


National
differences
and
antagonism
between
peoples
are
daily
more
and
more
vanishing
owing
to
the
development
of
the
bourgeoisie
to
freedom
of
commerce
to
the
world
market
to
uniformity
in
the
mode
of
production
and
in
the
conditions
of
life
corresponding
thereto


The
supremacy
of
the
proletariat
will
cause
them
to
vanish
still
faster
United
action
of
the
leading
civilized
countries
at
least
is
one
of
the
first
conditions
for
the
emancipation
of
the
proletariat


In
proportion
as
the
exploitation
of
one
individual
by
another
will
also
be
put
an
end
to
the
exploitation
of
one
nation
by
another
will
also
be
put
an
end
to
In
proportion
as
the
antagonism
between
classes
within
the
nation
vanishes
the
hostility
of
one
nation
to
another
will
come
to
an
end


The
charges
against
communism
made
from
a
religious
a
philosophical
and
generally
from
an
ideological
standpoint
are
not
deserving
of
serious
examination


Does
it
require
deep
intuition
to
comprehend
that
man
s
ideas
views
and
conception
in
one
word
man
s
consciousness
changes
with
every
change
in
the
conditions
of
his
material
existence
in
his
social
relations
and
in
his
social
life


What
else
does
the
history
of
ideas
prove
than
that
intellectual
production
changes
its
character
in
proportion
as
material
production
is
changed
The
ruling
ideas
of
each
age
have
ever
been
the
ideas
of
its
ruling
class


When
people
speak
of
the
ideas
that
revolutionize
society
they
do
but
express
that
fact
that
within
the
old
society
the
elements
of
a
new
one
have
been
created
and
that
the
dissolution
of
the
old
ideas
keeps
even
pace
with
the
dissolution
of
the
old
conditions
of
existence


When
the
ancient
world
was
in
its
last
throes
the
ancient
religions
were
overcome
by
Christianity
When
Christian
ideas
succumbed
in
the
eighteenth
century
to
rationalist
ideas
feudal
society
fought
its
death
battle
with
the
then
revolutionary
bourgeoisie
The
ideas
of
religious
liberty
and
freedom
of
conscience
merely
gave
expression
to
the
sway
of
free
competition
within
the
domain
of
knowledge


Undoubtedly
it
will
be
said
religious
moral
philosophical
and
juridicial
ideas
have
been
modified
in
the
course
of
historical
development
But
religion
morality
philosophy
political
science
and
law
constantly
survived
this
change


There
are
besides
eternal
truths
such
as
Freedom
Justice
etc
that
are
common
to
all
states
of
society
But
communism
abolishes
eternal
truths
it
abolishes
all
religion
and
all
morality
instead
of
constituting
them
on
a
new
basis
it
therefore
acts
in
contradiction
to
all
past
historical
experience


What
does
this
accusation
reduce
itself
to
The
history
of
all
past
society
has
consisted
in
the
development
of
class
antagonisms
antagonisms
that
assumed
different
forms
at
different
epochs


But
whatever
form
they
may
have
taken
one
fact
is
common
to
all
past
ages
viz
the
exploitation
of
one
part
of
society
by
the
other
No
wonder
then
that
the
social
consciousness
of
past
ages
despite
all
the
multiplicity
and
variety
it
displays
moves
within
certain
common
forms
or
general
ideas
which
cannot
completely
vanish
except
with
the
total
disappearance
of
class
antagonisms


The
communist
revolution
is
the
most
radical
rupture
with
traditional
relations
no
wonder
that
its
development
involved
the
most
radical
rupture
with
traditional
ideas


But
let
us
have
done
with
the
bourgeois
objections
to
communism


We
have
seen
above
that
the
first
step
in
the
revolution
by
the
working
class
is
to
raise
the
proletariat
to
the
position
of
ruling
class
to
win
the
battle
of
democracy


The
proletariat
will
use
its
political
supremacy
to
wrest
by
degree
all
capital
from
the
bourgeoisie
to
centralize
all
instruments
of
production
in
the
hands
of
the
state
i
e
of
the
proletariat
organized
as
the
ruling
class
and
to
increase
the
total
productive
forces
as
rapidly
as
possible


Of
course
in
the
beginning
this
cannot
be
effected
except
by
means
of
despotic
inroads
on
the
rights
of
property
and
on
the
conditions
of
bourgeois
production
by
means
of
measures
therefore
which
appear
economically
insufficient
and
untenable
but
which
in
the
course
of
the
movement
outstrip
themselves
necessitate
further
inroads
upon
the
old
social
order
and
are
unavoidable
as
a
means
of
entirely
revolutionizing
the
mode
of
production


These
measures
will
of
course
be
different
in
different
countries


Nevertheless
in
most
advanced
countries
the
following
will
be
pretty
generally
applicable

1
Abolition
of
property
in
land
and
application
of
all
rents
of
land
to
public
purposes

2
A
heavy
progressive
or
graduated
income
tax

3
Abolition
of
all
rights
of
inheritance

4
Confiscation
of
the
property
of
all
emigrants
and
rebels

5
Centralization
of
credit
in
the
banks
of
the
state
by
means
of
a
national
bank
with
state
capital
and
an
exclusive
monopoly

6
Centralization
of
the
means
of
communication
and
transport
in
the
hands
of
the
state

7
Extension
of
factories
and
instruments
of
production
owned
by
the
state
the
bringing
into
cultivation
of
waste
lands
and
the
improvement
of
the
soil
generally
in
accordance
with
a
common
plan

8
Equal
obligation
of
all
to
work
Establishment
of
industrial
armies
especially
for
agriculture

9
Combination
of
agriculture
with
manufacturing
industries
gradual
abolition
of
all
the
distinction
between
town
and
country
by
a
more
equable
distribution
of
the
populace
over
the
country

10
Free
education
for
all
children
in
public
schools
Abolition
of
children
s
factory
labor
in
its
present
form
Combination
of
education
with
industrial
production
etc


When
in
the
course
of
development
class
distinctions
have
disappeared
and
all
production
has
been
concentrated
in
the
hands
of
a
vast
association
of
the
whole
nation
the
public
power
will
lose
its
political
character
Political
power
properly
so
called
is
merely
the
organized
power
of
one
class
for
oppressing
another
If
the
proletariat
during
its
contest
with
the
bourgeoisie
is
compelled
by
the
force
of
circumstances
to
organize
itself
as
a
class
if
by
means
of
a
revolution
it
makes
itself
the
ruling
class
and
as
such
sweeps
away
by
force
the
old
conditions
of
production
then
it
will
along
with
these
conditions
have
swept
away
the
conditions
for
the
existence
of
class
antagonisms
and
of
classes
generally
and
will
thereby
have
abolished
its
own
supremacy
as
a
class


In
place
of
the
old
bourgeois
society
with
its
classes
and
class
antagonisms
we
shall
have
an
association
in
which
the
free
development
of
each
is
the
condition
for
the
free
development
of
all




Socialist
and
Communist
Literature


1
Reactionary
Socialism

A
Feudal
Socialism


Owing
to
their
historical
position
it
became
the
vocation
of
the
aristocracies
of
France
and
England
to
write
pamphlets
against
modern
bourgeois
society
In
the
French
Revolution
of
July
1830
and
in
the
English
reform
agitation
these
aristocracies
again
succumbed
to
the
hateful
upstart
Thenceforth
a
serious
political
struggle
was
altogether
out
of
the
question
A
literary
battle
alone
remained
possible
But
even
in
the
domain
of
literature
the
old
cries
of
the
restoration
period
had
become
impossible


In
order
to
arouse
sympathy
the
aristocracy
was
obliged
to
lose
sight
apparently
of
its
own
interests
and
to
formulate
its
indictment
against
the
bourgeoisie
in
the
interest
of
the
exploited
working
class
alone
Thus
the
aristocracy
took
their
revenge
by
singing
lampoons
on
their
new
masters
and
whispering
in
his
ears
sinister
prophesies
of
coming
catastrophe


In
this
way
arose
feudal
socialism
half
lamentation
half
lampoon
half
an
echo
of
the
past
half
menace
of
the
future
at
times
by
its
bitter
witty
and
incisive
criticism
striking
the
bourgeoisie
to
the
very
heart
s
core
but
always
ludicrous
in
its
effect
through
total
incapacity
to
comprehend
the
march
of
modern
history


The
aristocracy
in
order
to
rally
the
people
to
them
waved
the
proletarian
alms
bag
in
front
for
a
banner
But
the
people
so
often
as
it
joined
them
saw
on
their
hindquarters
the
old
feudal
coats
of
arms
and
deserted
with
loud
and
irreverent
laughter


One
section
of
the
French
Legitimists
and
Young
England
exhibited
this
spectacle


In
pointing
out
that
their
mode
of
exploitation
was
different
to
that
of
the
bourgeoisie
the
feudalists
forget
that
they
exploited
under
circumstances
and
conditions
that
were
quite
different
and
that
are
now
antiquated
In
showing
that
under
their
rule
the
modern
proletariat
never
existed
they
forget
that
the
modern
bourgeoisie
is
the
necessary
offspring
of
their
own
form
of
society


For
the
rest
so
little
do
they
conceal
the
reactionary
character
of
their
criticism
that
their
chief
accusation
against
the
bourgeois
amounts
to
this
that
under
the
bourgeois
regime
a
class
is
being
developed
which
is
destined
to
cut
up
root
and
branch
the
old
order
of
society


What
they
upbraid
the
bourgeoisie
with
is
not
so
much
that
it
creates
a
proletariat
as
that
it
creates
a
revolutionary
proletariat


In
political
practice
therefore
they
join
in
all
corrective
measures
against
the
working
class
and
in
ordinary
life
despite
their
high
falutin
phrases
they
stoop
to
pick
up
the
golden
apples
dropped
from
the
tree
of
industry
and
to
barter
truth
love
and
honour
for
traffic
in
wool
beetroot
sugar
and
potato
spirits


As
the
parson
has
ever
gone
hand
in
hand
with
the
landlord
so
has
clerical
socialism
with
feudal
socialism


Nothing
is
easier
than
to
give
Christian
asceticism
a
socialist
tinge
Has
not
Christianity
declaimed
against
private
property
against
marriage
against
the
state
Has
it
not
preached
in
the
place
of
these
charity
and
poverty
celibacy
and
mortification
of
the
flesh
monastic
life
and
Mother
Church
Christian
socialism
is
but
the
holy
water
with
which
the
priest
consecrates
the
heart
burnings
of
the
aristocrat


B
Petty
Bourgeois
Socialism


The
feudal
aristocracy
was
not
the
only
class
that
was
ruined
by
the
bourgeoisie
not
the
only
class
whose
conditions
of
existence
pined
and
perished
in
the
atmosphere
of
modern
bourgeois
society
The
medieval
burgesses
and
the
small
peasant
proprietors
were
the
precursors
of
the
modern
bourgeoisie
In
those
countries
which
are
but
little
developed
industrially
and
commercially
these
two
classes
still
vegetate
side
by
side
with
the
rising
bourgeoisie


In
countries
where
modern
civilization
has
become
fully
developed
a
new
class
of
petty
bourgeois
has
been
formed
fluctuating
between
proletariat
and
bourgeoisie
and
ever
renewing
itself
a
supplementary
part
of
bourgeois
society
The
individual
members
of
this
class
however
as
being
constantly
hurled
down
into
the
proletariat
by
the
action
of
competition
and
as
Modern
Industry
develops
they
even
see
the
moment
approaching
when
they
will
completely
disappear
as
an
independent
section
of
modern
society
to
be
replaced
in
manufactures
agriculture
and
commerce
by
overlookers
bailiffs
and
shopmen


In
countries
like
France
where
the
peasants
constitute
far
more
than
half
of
the
population
it
was
natural
that
writers
who
sided
with
the
proletariat
against
the
bourgeoisie
should
use
in
their
criticism
of
the
bourgeois
r
gime
the
standard
of
the
peasant
and
petty
bourgeois
and
from
the
standpoint
of
these
intermediate
classes
should
take
up
the
cudgels
for
the
working
class
Thus
arose
petty
bourgeois
socialism
Sismondi
was
the
head
of
this
school
not
only
in
France
but
also
in
England


This
school
of
socialism
dissected
with
great
acuteness
the
contradictions
in
the
conditions
of
modern
production
It
laid
bare
the
hypocritical
apologies
of
economists
It
proved
incontrovertibly
the
disastrous
effects
of
machinery
and
division
of
labor
the
concentration
of
capital
and
land
in
a
few
hands
overproduction
and
crises
it
pointed
out
the
inevitable
ruin
of
the
petty
bourgeois
and
peasant
the
misery
of
the
proletariat
the
anarchy
in
production
the
crying
inequalities
in
the
distribution
of
wealth
the
industrial
war
of
extermination
between
nations
the
dissolution
of
old
moral
bonds
of
the
old
family
relations
of
the
old
nationalities


In
it
positive
aims
however
this
form
of
socialism
aspires
either
to
restoring
the
old
means
of
production
and
of
exchange
and
with
them
the
old
property
relations
and
the
old
society
or
to
cramping
the
modern
means
of
production
and
of
exchange
within
the
framework
of
the
old
property
relations
that
have
been
and
were
bound
to
be
exploded
by
those
means
In
either
case
it
is
both
reactionary
and
Utopian


Its
last
words
are
corporate
guilds
for
manufacture
patriarchal
relations
in
agriculture


Ultimately
when
stubborn
historical
facts
had
dispersed
all
intoxicating
effects
of
self
deception
this
form
of
socialism
ended
in
a
miserable
hangover


C
German
or
True
Socialism


The
socialist
and
communist
literature
of
France
a
literature
that
originated
under
the
pressure
of
a
bourgeoisie
in
power
and
that
was
the
expressions
of
the
struggle
against
this
power
was
introduced
into
Germany
at
a
time
when
the
bourgeoisie
in
that
country
had
just
begun
its
contest
with
feudal
absolutism


German
philosophers
would
be
philosophers
and
beaux
esprits
men
of
letters
eagerly
seized
on
this
literature
only
forgetting
that
when
these
writings
immigrated
from
France
into
Germany
French
social
conditions
had
not
immigrated
along
with
them
In
contact
with
German
social
conditions
this
French
literature
lost
all
its
immediate
practical
significance
and
assumed
a
purely
literary
aspect
Thus
to
the
German
philosophers
of
the
eighteenth
century
the
demands
of
the
first
French
Revolution
were
nothing
more
than
the
demands
of
Practical
Reason
in
general
and
the
utterance
of
the
will
of
the
revolutionary
French
bourgeoisie
signified
in
their
eyes
the
laws
of
pure
will
of
will
as
it
was
bound
to
be
of
true
human
will
generally


The
work
of
the
German
literati
consisted
solely
in
bringing
the
new
French
ideas
into
harmony
with
their
ancient
philosophical
conscience
or
rather
in
annexing
the
French
ideas
without
deserting
their
own
philosophic
point
of
view


This
annexation
took
place
in
the
same
way
in
which
a
foreign
language
is
appropriated
namely
by
translation


It
is
well
known
how
the
monks
wrote
silly
lives
of
Catholic
saints
over
the
manuscripts
on
which
the
classical
works
of
ancient
heathendom
had
been
written
The
German
literati
reversed
this
process
with
the
profane
French
literature
They
wrote
their
philosophical
nonsense
beneath
the
French
original
For
instance
beneath
the
French
criticism
of
the
economic
functions
of
money
they
wrote
alienation
of
humanity
and
beneath
the
French
criticism
of
the
bourgeois
state
they
wrote
dethronement
of
the
category
of
the
general
and
so
forth


The
introduction
of
these
philosophical
phrases
at
the
back
of
the
French
historical
criticisms
they
dubbed
Philosophy
of
Action
True
Socialism
German
Science
of
Socialism
Philosophical
Foundation
of
Socialism
and
so
on


The
French
socialist
and
communist
literature
was
thus
completely
emasculated
And
since
it
ceased
in
the
hands
of
the
German
to
express
the
struggle
of
one
class
with
the
other
he
felt
conscious
of
having
overcome
French
one
sidedness
and
of
representing
not
true
requirements
but
the
requirements
of
truth
not
the
interests
of
the
proletariat
but
the
interests
of
human
nature
of
man
in
general
who
belongs
to
no
class
has
no
reality
who
exists
only
in
the
misty
realm
of
philosophical
fantasy


This
German
socialism
which
took
its
schoolboy
task
so
seriously
and
solemnly
and
extolled
its
poor
stock
in
trade
in
such
a
mountebank
fashion
meanwhile
gradually
lost
its
pedantic
innocence


The
fight
of
the
Germans
and
especially
of
the
Prussian
bourgeoisie
against
feudal
aristocracy
and
absolute
monarchy
in
other
words
the
liberal
movement
became
more
earnest


By
this
the
long
wished
for
opportunity
was
offered
to
True
Socialism
of
confronting
the
political
movement
with
the
socialistic
demands
of
hurling
the
traditional
anathemas
against
liberalism
against
representative
government
against
bourgeois
competition
bourgeois
freedom
of
the
press
bourgeois
legislation
bourgeois
liberty
and
equality
and
of
preaching
to
the
masses
that
they
had
nothing
to
gain
and
everything
to
lose
by
this
bourgeois
movement
German
socialism
forgot
in
the
nick
of
time
that
the
French
criticism
whose
silly
echo
it
was
presupposed
the
existence
of
modern
bourgeois
society
with
its
corresponding
economic
conditions
of
existence
and
the
political
constitution
adapted
thereto
the
very
things
those
attainment
was
the
object
of
the
pending
struggle
in
Germany


To
the
absolute
governments
with
their
following
of
parsons
professors
country
squires
and
officials
it
served
as
a
welcome
scarecrow
against
the
threatening
bourgeoisie


It
was
a
sweet
finish
after
the
bitter
pills
of
flogging
and
bullets
with
which
these
same
governments
just
at
that
time
dosed
the
German
working
class
risings


While
this
True
Socialism
thus
served
the
government
as
a
weapon
for
fighting
the
German
bourgeoisie
it
at
the
same
time
directly
represented
a
reactionary
interest
the
interest
of
German
philistines
In
Germany
the
petty
bourgeois
class
a
relic
of
the
sixteenth
century
and
since
then
constantly
cropping
up
again
under
the
various
forms
is
the
real
social
basis
of
the
existing
state
of
things


To
preserve
this
class
is
to
preserve
the
existing
state
of
things
in
Germany
The
industrial
and
political
supremacy
of
the
bourgeoisie
threatens
it
with
certain
destruction
on
the
one
hand
from
the
concentration
of
capital
on
the
other
from
the
rise
of
a
revolutionary
proletariat
True
Socialism
appeared
to
kill
these
two
birds
with
one
stone
It
spread
like
an
epidemic


The
robe
of
speculative
cobwebs
embroidered
with
flowers
of
rhetoric
steeped
in
the
dew
of
sickly
sentiment
this
transcendental
robe
in
which
the
German
Socialists
wrapped
their
sorry
eternal
truths
all
skin
and
bone
served
to
wonderfully
increase
the
sale
of
their
goods
amongst
such
a
public
And
on
its
part
German
socialism
recognized
more
and
more
its
own
calling
as
the
bombastic
representative
of
the
petty
bourgeois
philistine


It
proclaimed
the
German
nation
to
be
the
model
nation
and
the
German
petty
philistine
to
be
the
typical
man
To
every
villainous
meanness
of
this
model
man
it
gave
a
hidden
higher
socialistic
interpretation
the
exact
contrary
of
its
real
character
It
went
to
the
extreme
length
of
directly
opposing
the
brutally
destructive
tendency
of
communism
and
of
proclaiming
its
supreme
and
impartial
contempt
of
all
class
struggles
With
very
few
exceptions
all
the
so
called
socialist
and
communist
publications
that
now
1847
circulate
in
Germany
belong
to
the
domain
of
this
foul
and
enervating
literature
2
Conservative
or
Bourgeois
Socialism


A
part
of
the
bourgeoisie
is
desirous
of
redressing
social
grievances
in
order
to
secure
the
continued
existence
of
bourgeois
society


To
this
section
belong
economists
philanthropists
humanitarians
improvers
of
the
condition
of
the
working
class
organizers
of
charity
members
of
societies
for
the
prevention
of
cruelty
to
animals
temperance
fanatics
hole
and
corner
reformers
of
every
imaginable
kind
This
form
of
socialism
has
moreover
been
worked
out
into
complete
systems


We
may
cite
Proudhon
s
Philosophy
of
Poverty
as
an
example
of
this
form


The
socialistic
bourgeois
want
all
the
advantages
of
modern
social
conditions
without
the
struggles
and
dangers
necessarily
resulting
therefrom
They
desire
the
existing
state
of
society
minus
its
revolutionary
and
disintegrating
elements
They
wish
for
a
bourgeoisie
without
a
proletariat
The
bourgeoisie
naturally
conceives
the
world
in
which
it
is
supreme
to
be
the
best
and
bourgeois
socialism
develops
this
comfortable
conception
into
various
more
or
less
complete
systems
In
requiring
the
proletariat
to
carry
out
such
a
system
and
thereby
to
march
straightaway
into
the
social
New
Jerusalem
it
but
requires
in
reality
that
the
proletariat
should
remain
within
the
bounds
of
existing
society
but
should
cast
away
all
its
hateful
ideas
concerning
the
bourgeoisie


A
second
and
more
practical
but
less
systematic
form
of
this
socialism
sought
to
depreciate
every
revolutionary
movement
in
the
eyes
of
the
working
class
by
showing
that
no
mere
political
reform
but
only
a
change
in
the
material
conditions
of
existence
in
economical
relations
could
be
of
any
advantage
to
them
By
changes
in
the
material
conditions
of
existence
this
form
of
socialism
however
by
no
means
understands
abolition
of
the
bourgeois
relations
of
production
an
abolition
that
can
be
affected
only
by
a
revolution
but
administrative
reforms
based
on
the
continued
existence
of
these
relations
reforms
therefore
that
in
no
respect
affect
the
relations
between
capital
and
labor
but
at
the
best
lessen
the
cost
and
simplify
the
administrative
work
of
bourgeois
government


Bourgeois
socialism
attains
adequate
expression
when
and
only
when
it
becomes
a
mere
figure
of
speech


Free
trade
for
the
benefit
of
the
working
class
Protective
duties
for
the
benefit
of
the
working
class
Prison
reform
for
the
benefit
of
the
working
class
This
is
the
last
word
and
the
only
seriously
meant
word
of
bourgeois
socialism


It
is
summed
up
in
the
phrase
the
bourgeois
is
a
bourgeois
for
the
benefit
of
the
working
class
3
Critical
Utopian
Socialism
and
Communism


We
do
not
here
refer
to
that
literature
which
in
every
great
modern
revolution
has
always
given
voice
to
the
demands
of
the
proletariat
such
as
the
writings
of
Babeuf
and
others


The
first
direct
attempts
of
the
proletariat
to
attain
its
own
ends
made
in
times
of
universal
excitement
when
feudal
society
was
being
overthrown
necessarily
failed
owing
to
the
then
undeveloped
state
of
the
proletariat
as
well
as
to
the
absence
of
the
economic
conditions
for
its
emancipation
conditions
that
had
yet
to
be
produced
and
could
be
produced
by
the
impending
bourgeois
epoch
alone
The
revolutionary
literature
that
accompanied
these
first
movements
of
the
proletariat
had
necessarily
a
reactionary
character
It
inculcated
universal
asceticism
and
social
levelling
in
its
crudest
form


The
socialist
and
communist
systems
properly
so
called
those
of
Saint
Simon
Fourier
Owen
and
others
spring
into
existence
in
the
early
undeveloped
period
described
above
of
the
struggle
between
proletariat
and
bourgeoisie
see
Section
1
Bourgeois
and
Proletarians


The
founders
of
these
systems
see
indeed
the
class
antagonisms
as
well
as
the
action
of
the
decomposing
elements
in
the
prevailing
form
of
society
But
the
proletariat
as
yet
in
its
infancy
offers
to
them
the
spectacle
of
a
class
without
any
historical
initiative
or
any
independent
political
movement


Since
the
development
of
class
antagonism
keeps
even
pace
with
the
development
of
industry
the
economic
situation
as
they
find
it
does
not
as
yet
offer
to
them
the
material
conditions
for
the
emancipation
of
the
proletariat
They
therefore
search
after
a
new
social
science
after
new
social
laws
that
are
to
create
these
conditions


Historical
action
is
to
yield
to
their
personal
inventive
action
historically
created
conditions
of
emancipation
to
fantastic
ones
and
the
gradual
spontaneous
class
organization
of
the
proletariat
to
an
organization
of
society
especially
contrived
by
these
inventors
Future
history
resolves
itself
in
their
eyes
into
the
propaganda
and
the
practical
carrying
out
of
their
social
plans


In
the
formation
of
their
plans
they
are
conscious
of
caring
chiefly
for
the
interests
of
the
working
class
as
being
the
most
suffering
class
Only
from
the
point
of
view
of
being
the
most
suffering
class
does
the
proletariat
exist
for
them


The
undeveloped
state
of
the
class
struggle
as
well
as
their
own
surroundings
causes
Socialists
of
this
kind
to
consider
themselves
far
superior
to
all
class
antagonisms
They
want
to
improve
the
condition
of
every
member
of
society
even
that
of
the
most
favored
Hence
they
habitually
appeal
to
society
at
large
without
the
distinction
of
class
nay
by
preference
to
the
ruling
class
For
how
can
people
when
once
they
understand
their
system
fail
to
see
in
it
the
best
possible
plan
of
the
best
possible
state
of
society


Hence
they
reject
all
political
and
especially
all
revolutionary
action
they
wish
to
attain
their
ends
by
peaceful
means
necessarily
doomed
to
failure
and
by
the
force
of
example
to
pave
the
way
for
the
new
social
gospel


Such
fantastic
pictures
of
future
society
painted
at
a
time
when
the
proletariat
is
still
in
a
very
undeveloped
state
and
has
but
a
fantastic
conception
of
its
own
position
correspond
with
the
first
instinctive
yearnings
of
that
class
for
a
general
reconstruction
of
society


But
these
socialist
and
communist
publications
contain
also
a
critical
element
They
attack
every
principle
of
existing
society
Hence
they
are
full
of
the
most
valuable
materials
for
the
enlightenment
of
the
working
class
The
practical
measures
proposed
in
them
such
as
the
abolition
of
the
distinction
between
town
and
country
of
the
family
of
the
carrying
on
of
industries
for
the
account
of
private
individuals
and
of
the
wage
system
the
proclamation
of
social
harmony
the
conversion
of
the
function
of
the
state
into
a
more
superintendence
of
production
all
these
proposals
point
solely
to
the
disappearance
of
class
antagonisms
which
were
at
that
time
only
just
cropping
up
and
which
in
these
publications
are
recognized
in
their
earliest
indistinct
and
undefined
forms
only
These
proposals
therefore
are
of
a
purely
utopian
character


The
significance
of
critical
utopian
socialism
and
communism
bears
an
inverse
relation
to
historical
development
In
proportion
as
the
modern
class
struggle
develops
and
takes
definite
shape
this
fantastic
standing
apart
from
the
contest
these
fantastic
attacks
on
it
lose
all
practical
value
and
all
theoretical
justifications
Therefore
although
the
originators
of
these
systems
were
in
many
respects
revolutionary
their
disciples
have
in
every
case
formed
mere
reactionary
sects
They
hold
fast
by
the
original
views
of
their
masters
in
opposition
to
the
progressive
historical
development
of
the
proletariat
They
therefore
endeavour
and
that
consistently
to
deaden
the
class
struggle
and
to
reconcile
the
class
antagonisms
They
still
dream
of
experimental
realization
of
their
social
utopias
of
founding
isolated
phalansteres
of
establishing
Home
Colonies
or
setting
up
a
Little
Icaria
pocket
editions
of
the
New
Jerusalem
and
to
realise
all
these
castles
in
the
air
they
are
compelled
to
appeal
to
the
feelings
and
purses
of
the
bourgeois
By
degrees
they
sink
into
the
category
of
the
reactionary
conservative
socialists
depicted
above
differing
from
these
only
by
more
systematic
pedantry
and
by
their
fanatical
and
superstitious
belief
in
the
miraculous
effects
of
their
social
science


They
therefore
violently
oppose
all
political
action
on
the
part
of
the
working
class
such
action
according
to
them
can
only
result
from
blind
unbelief
in
the
new
gospel


The
Owenites
in
England
and
the
Fourierists
in
France
respectively
oppose
the
Chartists
and
the
R
formistes




Position
of
the
Communists
in
Relation
to
the
Various
Existing
Opposition
Parties



Section
II
has
made
clear
the
relations
of
the
Communists
to
the
existing
working
class
parties
such
as
the
Chartists
in
England
and
the
Agrarian
Reformers
in
America


The
Communists
fight
for
the
attainment
of
the
immediate
aims
for
the
enforcement
of
the
momentary
interests
of
the
working
class
but
in
the
movement
of
the
present
they
also
represent
and
take
care
of
the
future
of
that
movement
In
France
the
Communists
ally
with
the
Social
Democrats
against
the
conservative
and
radical
bourgeoisie
reserving
however
the
right
to
take
up
a
critical
position
in
regard
to
phases
and
illusions
traditionally
handed
down
from
the
great
Revolution


In
Switzerland
they
support
the
Radicals
without
losing
sight
of
the
fact
that
this
party
consists
of
antagonistic
elements
partly
of
Democratic
Socialists
in
the
French
sense
partly
of
radical
bourgeois


In
Poland
they
support
the
party
that
insists
on
an
agrarian
revolution
as
the
prime
condition
for
national
emancipation
that
party
which
fomented
the
insurrection
of
Krakow
in
1846


In
Germany
they
fight
with
the
bourgeoisie
whenever
it
acts
in
a
revolutionary
way
against
the
absolute
monarchy
the
feudal
squirearchy
and
the
petty
bourgeoisie


But
they
never
cease
for
a
single
instant
to
instill
into
the
working
class
the
clearest
possible
recognition
of
the
hostile
antagonism
between
bourgeoisie
and
proletariat
in
order
that
the
German
workers
may
straightway
use
as
so
many
weapons
against
the
bourgeoisie
the
social
and
political
conditions
that
the
bourgeoisie
must
necessarily
introduce
along
with
its
supremacy
and
in
order
that
after
the
fall
of
the
reactionary
classes
in
Germany
the
fight
against
the
bourgeoisie
itself
may
immediately
begin


The
Communists
turn
their
attention
chiefly
to
Germany
because
that
country
is
on
the
eve
of
a
bourgeois
revolution
that
is
bound
to
be
carried
out
under
more
advanced
conditions
of
European
civilization
and
with
a
much
more
developed
proletariat
than
that
of
England
was
in
the
seventeenth
and
France
in
the
eighteenth
century
and
because
the
bourgeois
revolution
in
Germany
will
be
but
the
prelude
to
an
immediately
following
proletarian
revolution


In
short
the
Communists
everywhere
support
every
revolutionary
movement
against
the
existing
social
and
political
order
of
things


In
all
these
movements
they
bring
to
the
front
as
the
leading
question
in
each
the
property
question
no
matter
what
its
degree
of
development
at
the
time


Finally
they
labor
everywhere
for
the
union
and
agreement
of
the
democratic
parties
of
all
countries


The
Communists
disdain
to
conceal
their
views
and
aims
They
openly
declare
that
their
ends
can
be
attained
only
by
the
forcible
overthrow
of
all
existing
social
conditions
Let
the
ruling
classes
tremble
at
a
communist
revolution
The
proletarians
have
nothing
to
lose
but
their
chains
They
have
a
world
to
win



WORKERS
OF
ALL
COUNTRIES
UNITE











Appendix
Prefaces
to
various
Language
Editions


The
1872
German
Edition


The
Communist
League
an
international
association
of
workers
which
could
of
course
be
only
a
secret
one
under
conditions
obtaining
at
the
time
commissioned
us
the
undersigned
at
the
Congress
held
in
London
in
November
1847
to
write
for
publication
a
detailed
theoretical
and
practical
programme
for
the
Party
Such
was
the
origin
of
the
following
Manifesto
the
manuscript
of
which
travelled
to
London
to
be
printed
a
few
weeks
before
the
February
Revolution
First
published
in
German
it
has
been
republished
in
that
language
in
at
least
twelve
different
editions
in
Germany
England
and
America
It
was
published
in
English
for
the
first
time
in
1850
in
the
Red
Republican
London
translated
by
Miss
Helen
Macfarlane
and
in
1871
in
at
least
three
different
translations
in
America
The
french
version
first
appeared
in
Paris
shortly
before
the
June
insurrection
of
1848
and
recently
in
Le
Socialiste
of
New
York
A
new
translation
is
in
the
course
of
preparation
A
Polish
version
appeared
in
London
shortly
after
it
was
first
published
in
Germany
A
Russian
translation
was
published
in
Geneva
in
the
sixties
Into
Danish
too
it
was
translated
shortly
after
its
appearance


However
much
that
state
of
things
may
have
altered
during
the
last
twenty
five
years
the
general
principles
laid
down
in
the
Manifesto
are
on
the
whole
as
correct
today
as
ever
Here
and
there
some
detail
might
be
improved
The
practical
application
of
the
principles
will
depend
as
the
Manifesto
itself
states
everywhere
and
at
all
times
on
the
historical
conditions
for
the
time
being
existing
and
for
that
reason
no
special
stress
is
laid
on
the
revolutionary
measures
proposed
at
the
end
of
Section
II
That
passage
would
in
many
respects
be
very
differently
worded
today
In
view
of
the
gigantic
strides
of
Modern
Industry
since
1848
and
of
the
accompanying
improved
and
extended
organization
of
the
working
class
in
view
of
the
practical
experience
gained
first
in
the
February
Revolution
and
then
still
more
in
the
Paris
Commune
where
the
proletariat
for
the
first
time
held
political
power
for
two
whole
months
this
programme
has
in
some
details
been
antiquated
One
thing
especially
was
proved
by
the
Commune
viz
that
the
working
class
cannot
simply
lay
hold
of
ready
made
state
machinery
and
wield
it
for
its
own
purposes
See
The
Civil
War
in
France
Address
of
the
General
Council
of
the
International
Working
Men
s
Assocation
1871
where
this
point
is
further
developed
Further
it
is
self
evident
that
the
criticism
of
socialist
literature
is
deficient
in
relation
to
the
present
time
because
it
comes
down
only
to
1847
also
that
the
remarks
on
the
relation
of
the
Communists
to
the
various
opposition
parties
Section
IV
although
in
principle
still
correct
yet
in
practice
are
antiquated
because
the
political
situation
has
been
entirely
changed
and
the
progress
of
history
has
swept
from
off
the
earth
the
greater
portion
of
the
political
parties
there
enumerated


But
then
the
Manifesto
has
become
a
historical
document
which
we
have
no
longer
any
right
to
alter
A
subsequent
edition
may
perhaps
appear
with
an
introduction
bridging
the
gap
from
1847
to
the
present
day
but
this
reprint
was
too
unexpected
to
leave
us
time
for
that

Karl
Marx
Fredrick
Engels
London
June
24
1872



The
1882
Russian
Edition


The
first
Russian
edition
of
the
Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party
translated
by
Bakunin
was
published
early
in
the
sixties
by
the
printing
office
of
the
Kolokol
Then
the
West
could
see
in
it
the
Russian
edition
of
the
Manifesto
only
a
literary
curiosity
Such
a
view
would
be
impossible
today


What
a
limited
field
the
proletarian
movement
occupied
at
that
time
December
1847
is
most
clearly
shown
by
the
last
section
the
position
of
the
Communists
in
relation
to
the
various
opposition
parties
in
various
countries
Precisely
Russia
and
the
United
States
are
missing
here
It
was
the
time
when
Russia
constituted
the
last
great
reserve
of
all
European
reaction
when
the
United
States
absorbed
the
surplus
proletarian
forces
of
Europe
through
immigration
Both
countries
provided
Europe
with
raw
materials
and
were
at
the
same
time
markets
for
the
sale
of
its
industrial
products
Both
were
therefore
in
one
way
of
another
pillars
of
the
existing
European
system


How
very
different
today
Precisely
European
immigration
fitted
North
American
for
a
gigantic
agricultural
production
whose
competition
is
shaking
the
very
foundations
of
European
landed
property
large
and
small
At
the
same
time
it
enabled
the
United
States
to
exploit
its
tremendous
industrial
resources
with
an
energy
and
on
a
scale
that
must
shortly
break
the
industrial
monopoly
of
Western
Europe
and
especially
of
England
existing
up
to
now
Both
circumstances
react
in
a
revolutionary
manner
upon
America
itself
Step
by
step
the
small
and
middle
land
ownership
of
the
farmers
the
basis
of
the
whole
political
constitution
is
succumbing
to
the
competition
of
giant
farms
at
the
same
time
a
mass
industrial
proletariat
and
a
fabulous
concentration
of
capital
funds
are
developing
for
the
first
time
in
the
industrial
regions


And
now
Russia
During
the
Revolution
of
1848
9
not
only
the
European
princes
but
the
European
bourgeois
as
well
found
their
only
salvation
from
the
proletariat
just
beginning
to
awaken
in
Russian
intervention
The
Tsar
was
proclaimed
the
chief
of
European
reaction
Today
he
is
a
prisoner
of
war
of
the
revolution
in
Gatchina
and
Russia
forms
the
vanguard
of
revolutionary
action
in
Europe


The
Communist
Manifesto
had
as
its
object
the
proclamation
of
the
inevitable
impending
dissolution
of
modern
bourgeois
property
But
in
Russia
we
find
face
to
face
with
the
rapidly
flowering
capitalist
swindle
and
bourgeois
property
just
beginning
to
develop
more
than
half
the
land
owned
in
common
by
the
peasants
Now
the
question
is
can
the
Russian
obshchina
though
greatly
undermined
yet
a
form
of
primeval
common
ownership
of
land
pass
directly
to
the
higher
form
of
Communist
common
ownership
Or
on
the
contrary
must
it
first
pass
through
the
same
process
of
dissolution
such
as
constitutes
the
historical
evolution
of
the
West


The
only
answer
to
that
possible
today
is
this
If
the
Russian
Revolution
becomes
the
signal
for
a
proletarian
revolution
in
the
West
so
that
both
complement
each
other
the
present
Russian
common
ownership
of
land
may
serve
as
the
starting
point
for
a
communist
development

Karl
Marx
Fredrick
Engels
January
21
1882
London



The
1883
German
Edition


The
preface
to
the
present
edition
I
must
alas
sign
alone
Marx
the
man
to
whom
the
whole
working
class
class
of
Europe
and
America
owes
more
than
to
any
one
else
rests
at
Highgate
Cemetary
and
over
his
grave
the
first
grass
is
already
growing
Since
his
death
March
13
1883
there
can
be
even
less
thought
of
revising
or
supplementing
the
Manifesto
But
I
consider
it
all
the
more
necessary
again
to
state
the
following
expressly


The
basic
thought
running
through
the
Manifesto
that
economic
production
and
the
structure
of
society
of
every
historical
epoch
necessarily
arising
therefrom
constitute
the
foundation
for
the
political
and
intellectual
history
of
that
epoch
that
consequently
ever
since
the
dissolution
of
the
primaeval
communal
ownership
of
land
all
history
has
been
a
history
of
class
struggles
of
struggles
between
exploited
and
exploiting
between
dominated
and
dominating
classes
at
various
stages
of
social
evolution
that
this
struggle
however
has
now
reached
a
stage
where
the
exploited
and
oppressed
class
the
proletariat
can
no
longer
emancipate
itself
from
the
class
which
exploits
and
oppresses
it
the
bourgeoisie
without
at
the
same
time
forever
freeing
the
whole
of
society
from
exploitation
oppression
class
struggles
this
basic
thought
belongs
soley
and
exclusively
to
Marx


I
have
already
stated
this
many
times
but
precisely
now
is
it
necessary
that
it
also
stand
in
front
of
the
Manifesto
itself

Fredrick
Engels
June
28
1883
London



The
1888
English
Edition


The
Manifesto
was
published
as
the
platform
of
the
Communist
League
a
working
men
s
association
first
exclusively
German
later
on
international
and
under
the
political
conditions
of
the
Continent
before
1848
unavoidably
a
secret
society
At
a
Congress
of
the
League
held
in
November
1847
Marx
and
Engels
were
commissioned
to
prepare
a
complete
theoretical
and
practical
party
programme
Drawn
up
in
German
in
January
1848
the
manuscript
was
sent
to
the
printer
in
London
a
few
weeks
before
the
French
Revolution
of
February
24
A
French
translation
was
brought
out
in
Paris
shortly
before
the
insurrection
of
June
1848
The
first
English
translation
by
Miss
Helen
Macfarlane
appeared
in
George
Julian
Harney
s
Red
Republican
London
1850
A
Danish
and
a
Polish
edition
had
also
been
published


The
defeat
of
the
Parisian
insurrection
of
June
1848
the
first
great
battle
between
proletariat
and
bourgeoisie
drove
again
into
the
background
for
a
time
the
social
and
political
aspirations
of
the
European
working
class
Thenceforth
the
struggle
for
supremacy
was
again
as
it
had
been
before
the
Revolution
of
February
solely
between
different
sections
of
the
propertied
class
the
working
class
was
reduced
to
a
fight
for
political
elbow
room
and
to
the
position
of
extreme
wing
of
the
middle
class
Radicals
Wherever
independent
proletarian
movements
continued
to
show
signs
of
life
they
were
ruthlessly
hunted
down
Thus
the
Prussian
police
hunted
out
the
Central
Board
of
the
Communist
League
then
located
in
Cologne
The
members
were
arrested
and
after
eighteen
months
imprisonment
they
were
tried
in
October
1852
This
selebrated
Cologne
Communist
Trial
lasted
from
October
4
till
November
12
seven
of
the
prisoners
were
sentenced
to
terms
of
imprisonment
in
a
fortress
varying
from
three
to
six
years
Immediately
after
the
sentence
the
League
was
formlly
dissolved
by
the
remaining
members
As
to
the
Manifesto
it
seemed
henceforth
doomed
to
oblivion


When
the
European
workers
had
recovered
sufficient
strength
for
another
attack
on
the
ruling
classes
the
International
Working
Men
s
Association
sprang
up
But
this
association
formed
with
the
express
aim
of
welding
into
one
body
the
whole
militant
proletariat
of
Europe
and
America
could
not
at
once
proclaim
the
principles
laid
down
in
the
Manifesto
The
International
was
bound
to
have
a
programme
broad
enough
to
be
acceptable
to
the
English
trade
unions
to
the
followers
of
Proudhon
in
France
Belgium
Italy
and
Spain
and
to
the
Lassalleans
in
Germany


Marx
who
drew
up
this
programme
to
the
satisfaction
of
all
parties
entirely
trusted
to
the
intellectual
development
of
the
working
class
which
was
sure
to
result
from
combined
action
and
mutual
discussion
The
very
events
and
vicissitudes
in
the
struggle
against
capital
the
defeats
even
more
than
the
victories
could
not
help
bringing
home
to
men
s
minds
the
insufficiency
of
their
various
favorite
nostrums
and
preparing
the
way
for
a
more
complete
insight
into
the
true
conditions
for
working
class
emancipation
And
Marx
was
right
The
International
on
its
breaking
in
1874
left
the
workers
quite
different
men
from
what
it
found
them
in
1864
Proudhonism
in
France
Lassalleanism
in
Germany
were
dying
out
and
even
the
conservative
English
trade
unions
though
most
of
them
had
long
since
severed
their
connection
with
the
International
were
gradually
advancing
towards
that
point
at
which
last
year
at
Swansea
their
president
could
say
in
their
name
Continental
socialism
has
lost
its
terror
for
us
In
fact
the
principles
of
the
Manifesto
had
made
considerable
headway
among
the
working
men
of
all
countries


The
Manifesto
itself
came
thus
to
the
front
again
Since
1850
the
German
text
had
been
reprinted
several
times
in
Switzerland
England
and
America
In
1872
it
was
translated
into
English
in
New
York
where
the
translation
was
published
in
Woorhull
and
Claflin
s
Weekly
From
this
English
version
a
French
one
was
made
in
Le
Socialiste
of
New
York
Since
then
at
least
two
more
English
translations
more
or
less
mutilated
have
been
brought
out
in
America
and
one
of
them
has
been
reprinted
in
England
The
first
Russian
translation
made
by
Bakunin
was
published
at
Herzen
s
Kolokol
office
in
Geneva
about
1863
a
second
one
by
the
heroic
Vera
Zasulich
also
in
Geneva
in
1882
A
new
Danish
edition
is
to
be
found
in
Socialdemokratisk
Bibliothek
Copenhagen
1885
a
fresh
French
translation
in
Le
Socialiste
Paris
1886
From
this
latter
a
Spanish
version
was
prepared
and
published
in
Madrid
1886
The
German
reprints
are
not
to
be
counted
there
have
been
twelve
altogether
at
the
least
An
Armenian
translation
which
was
to
be
published
in
Constantinople
some
months
ago
did
not
see
the
light
I
am
told
because
the
publisher
was
afraid
of
bringing
out
a
book
with
the
name
of
Marx
on
it
while
the
translator
declined
to
call
it
his
own
production
Of
further
translations
into
other
languages
I
have
heard
but
had
not
seen
Thus
the
history
of
the
Manifesto
reflects
the
history
of
the
modern
working
class
movement
at
present
it
is
doubtless
the
most
wide
spread
the
most
international
production
of
all
socialist
literature
the
common
platform
acknowledged
by
millions
of
working
men
from
Siberia
to
California


Yet
when
it
was
written
we
could
not
have
called
it
a
socialist
manifesto
By
Socialists
in
1847
were
understood
on
the
one
hand
the
adherents
of
the
various
Utopian
systems
Owenites
in
England
Fourierists
in
France
both
of
them
already
reduced
to
the
position
of
mere
sects
and
gradually
dying
out
on
the
other
hand
the
most
multifarious
social
quacks
who
by
all
manner
of
tinkering
professed
to
redress
without
any
danger
to
capital
and
profit
all
sorts
of
social
grievances
in
both
cases
men
outside
the
working
class
movement
and
looking
rather
to
the
educated
classes
for
support
Whatever
portion
of
the
working
class
had
become
convinced
of
the
insufficiency
of
mere
political
revolutions
and
had
proclaimed
the
necessity
of
total
social
change
called
itself
Communist
It
was
a
crude
rough
hewn
purely
instinctive
sort
of
communism
still
it
touched
the
cardinal
point
and
was
powerful
enough
amongst
the
working
class
to
produce
the
Utopian
communism
of
Cabet
in
France
and
of
Weitling
in
Germany
Thus
in
1847
socialism
was
a
middle
class
movement
communism
a
working
class
movement
Socialism
was
on
the
Continent
at
least
respectable
communism
was
the
very
opposite
And
as
our
notion
from
the
very
beginning
was
that
the
emancipation
of
the
workers
must
be
the
act
of
the
working
class
itself
there
could
be
no
doubt
as
to
which
of
the
two
names
we
must
take
Moreover
we
have
ever
since
been
far
from
repudiating
it


The
Manifesto
being
our
joint
production
I
consider
myself
bound
to
state
that
the
fundamental
proposition
which
forms
the
nucleus
belongs
to
Marx
That
proposition
is
That
in
every
historical
epoch
the
prevailing
mode
of
economic
production
and
exchange
and
the
social
organization
necessarily
following
from
it
form
the
basis
upon
which
it
is
built
up
and
from
that
which
alone
can
be
explained
the
political
and
intellectual
history
of
that
epoch
that
consequently
the
whole
history
of
mankind
since
the
dissolution
of
primitive
tribal
society
holding
land
in
common
ownership
has
been
a
history
of
class
struggles
contests
between
exploiting
and
exploited
ruling
and
oppressed
classes
That
the
history
of
these
class
struggles
forms
a
series
of
evolutions
in
which
nowadays
a
stage
has
been
reached
where
the
exploited
and
oppressed
class
the
proletariat
cannot
attain
its
emancipation
from
the
sway
of
the
exploiting
and
ruling
class
the
bourgeoisie
without
at
the
same
time
and
once
and
for
all
emancipating
society
at
large
from
all
exploitation
oppression
class
distinction
and
class
struggles


This
proposition
which
in
my
opinion
is
destined
to
do
for
history
what
Darwin
s
theory
has
done
for
biology
we
both
of
us
had
been
gradually
approaching
for
some
years
before
1845
How
far
I
had
independently
progressed
towards
it
is
best
shown
by
my
Conditions
of
the
Working
Class
in
England
But
when
I
again
met
Marx
at
Brussels
in
spring
1845
he
had
it
already
worked
out
and
put
it
before
me
in
terms
almost
as
clear
as
those
in
which
I
have
stated
it
here


From
our
joint
preface
to
the
German
edition
of
1872
I
quote
the
following


However
much
that
state
of
things
may
have
altered
during
the
last
twenty
five
years
the
general
principles
laid
down
in
the
Manifesto
are
on
the
whole
as
correct
today
as
ever
Here
and
there
some
detail
might
be
improved
The
practical
application
of
the
principles
will
depend
as
the
Manifesto
itself
states
everywhere
and
at
all
times
on
the
historical
conditions
for
the
time
being
existing
and
for
that
reason
no
special
stress
is
laid
on
the
revolutionary
measures
proposed
at
the
end
of
Section
II
That
passage
would
in
many
respects
be
very
differently
worded
today
In
view
of
the
gigantic
strides
of
Modern
Industry
since
1848
and
of
the
accompanying
improved
and
extended
organization
of
the
working
class
in
view
of
the
practical
experience
gained
first
in
the
February
Revolution
and
then
still
more
in
the
Paris
Commune
where
the
proletariat
for
the
first
time
held
political
power
for
two
whole
months
this
programme
has
in
some
details
been
antiquated
One
thing
especially
was
proved
by
the
Commune
viz
that
the
working
class
cannot
simply
lay
hold
of
ready
made
state
machinery
and
wield
it
for
its
own
purposes
See
The
Civil
War
in
France
Address
of
the
General
Council
of
the
International
Working
Men
s
Assocation
1871
where
this
point
is
further
developed
Further
it
is
self
evident
that
the
criticism
of
socialist
literature
is
deficient
in
relation
to
the
present
time
because
it
comes
down
only
to
1847
also
that
the
remarks
on
the
relation
of
the
Communists
to
the
various
opposition
parties
Section
IV
although
in
principle
still
correct
yet
in
practice
are
antiquated
because
the
political
situation
has
been
entirely
changed
and
the
progress
of
history
has
swept
from
off
the
Earth
the
greater
portion
of
the
political
parties
there
enumerated


But
then
the
Manifesto
has
become
a
historical
document
which
we
have
no
longer
any
right
to
alter


The
present
translation
is
by
Mr
Samuel
Moore
the
translator
of
the
greater
portion
of
Marx
s
Capital
We
have
revised
it
in
common
and
I
have
added
a
few
notes
explanatory
of
historical
allusions

Fredrick
Engels
January
30
1888
London



The
1890
German
Edition


Since
The
1883
German
edition
preface
was
written
a
new
German
edition
of
the
Manifesto
has
again
become
necessary
and
much
has
also
happened
to
the
Manifesto
which
should
be
recorded
here


A
second
Russian
translation
by
Vera
Zasulich
appeared
in
Geneva
in
1882
the
preface
to
that
edition
was
written
by
Marx
and
myself
Unfortunately
the
original
German
manuscript
has
gone
astray
I
must
therefore
retranslate
from
the
Russian
which
will
in
no
way
improve
the
text
It
reads


Reprint
of
the
1882
Russian
Edition


At
about
the
same
date
a
new
Polish
version
appeared
in
Geneva
Manifest
Kommunistyczny


Furthermore
a
new
Danish
translation
has
appeared
in
the
Socialdemokratisk
Bibliothek
Copenhagen
1885
Unfortunately
it
is
not
quite
complete
certain
essential
passages
which
seem
to
have
presented
difficulties
to
the
translator
have
been
omitted
and
in
addition
there
are
signs
of
carelessness
here
and
there
which
are
all
the
more
unpleasantly
conspicuous
since
the
translation
indicates
that
had
the
translator
taken
a
little
more
pains
he
would
have
done
an
excellent
piece
of
work


A
new
French
version
appeared
in
1886
in
Le
Socialiste
of
Paris
it
is
the
best
published
to
date


From
this
latter
a
Spanish
version
was
published
the
same
year
in
El
Socialista
of
Madrid
and
then
reissued
in
pamphlet
form
Manifesto
del
Partido
Communista
por
Carlos
Marx
y
F
Engels
Madrid
Administracion
de
El
Socialista
Hernan
Cortes


As
a
matter
of
curiosity
I
may
mention
that
in
1887
the
manuscript
of
an
Armenian
translation
was
offered
to
a
publisher
in
Constantinople
But
the
good
man
did
not
have
the
courage
to
publish
something
bearing
the
name
of
Marx
and
suggested
that
the
translator
set
down
his
own
name
as
author
which
the
latter
however
declined


After
one
and
then
another
of
the
more
or
less
inaccurate
American
translations
had
been
repeatedly
reprinted
in
England
an
authentic
version
at
last
appeared
in
1888
This
was
my
friend
Samuel
Moore
and
we
went
through
it
together
once
more
before
it
went
to
press
It
is
entitled
Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party
by
Karl
Marx
and
Frederick
Engels
Authorized
English
translation
edited
and
annotated
by
Frederick
Engels
1888
London
William
Reeves
185
Fleet
Street
E
C
I
have
added
some
of
the
notes
of
that
edition
to
the
present
one


The
Manifesto
has
had
a
history
of
its
own
Greeted
with
enthusiasm
at
the
time
of
its
appearance
by
the
not
at
all
numerous
vanguard
of
scientific
socialism
as
is
proved
by
the
translations
mentioned
in
the
first
place
it
was
soon
forced
into
the
background
by
the
reaction
that
began
with
the
defeat
of
the
Paris
workers
in
June
1848
and
was
finally
excommunicated
by
law
in
the
conviction
of
the
Cologne
Communists
in
November
1852
With
the
disappearance
from
the
public
scene
of
the
workers
movement
that
had
begun
with
the
February
Revolution
the
Manifesto
too
passed
into
the
background


When
the
European
workers
had
again
gathered
sufficient
strength
for
a
new
onslaught
upon
the
power
of
the
ruling
classes
the
International
Working
Men
s
Association
came
into
being
Its
aim
was
to
weld
together
into
one
huge
army
the
whole
militant
working
class
of
Europe
and
America
Therefore
it
could
not
set
out
from
the
principles
laid
down
in
the
Manifesto
It
was
bound
to
have
a
programme
which
would
not
shut
the
door
on
the
English
trade
unions
the
French
Belgian
Italian
and
Spanish
Proudhonists
and
the
German
Lassalleans
This
programme
the
considerations
underlying
the
Statutes
of
the
International
was
drawn
up
by
Marx
with
a
master
hand
acknowledged
even
by
the
Bakunin
and
the
anarchists
For
the
ultimate
final
triumph
of
the
ideas
set
forth
in
the
Manifesto
Marx
relied
solely
upon
the
intellectual
development
of
the
working
class
as
it
necessarily
has
to
ensue
from
united
action
and
discussion
The
events
and
vicissitudes
in
the
struggle
against
capital
the
defeats
even
more
than
the
successes
could
not
but
demonstrate
to
the
fighters
the
inadequacy
of
their
former
universal
panaceas
and
make
their
minds
more
receptive
to
a
thorough
understanding
of
the
true
conditions
for
working
class
emancipation
And
Marx
was
right
The
working
class
of
1874
at
the
dissolution
of
the
International
was
altogether
different
from
that
of
1864
at
its
foundation
Proudhonism
in
the
Latin
countries
and
the
specific
Lassalleanism
in
Germany
were
dying
out
and
even
the
ten
arch
conservative
English
trade
unions
were
gradually
approaching
the
point
where
in
1887
the
chairman
of
their
Swansea
Congress
could
say
in
their
name
Continental
socialism
has
lost
its
terror
for
us
Yet
by
1887
continental
socialism
was
almost
exclusively
the
theory
heralded
in
the
Manifesto
Thus
to
a
certain
extent
the
history
of
the
Manifesto
reflects
the
history
of
the
modern
working
class
movement
since
1848
At
present
it
is
doubtless
the
most
widely
circulated
the
most
international
product
of
all
socialist
literature
the
common
programme
of
many
millions
of
workers
of
all
countries
from
Siberia
to
California


Nevertheless
when
it
appeared
we
could
not
have
called
it
a
socialist
manifesto
In
1847
two
kinds
of
people
were
considered
socialists
On
the
one
hand
were
the
adherents
of
the
various
utopian
systems
notably
the
Owenites
in
England
and
the
Fourierists
in
France
both
of
whom
at
that
date
had
already
dwindled
to
mere
sects
gradually
dying
out
On
the
other
the
manifold
types
of
social
quacks
who
wanted
to
eliminate
social
abuses
through
their
various
universal
panaceas
and
all
kinds
of
patch
work
without
hurting
capital
and
profit
in
the
least
In
both
cases
people
who
stood
outside
the
labor
movement
and
who
looked
for
support
rather
to
the
educated
classes
The
section
of
the
working
class
however
which
demanded
a
radical
reconstruction
of
society
convinced
that
mere
political
revolutions
were
not
enough
then
called
itself
Communist
It
was
still
a
rough
hewn
only
instinctive
and
frequently
somewhat
crude
communism
Yet
it
was
powerful
enough
to
bring
into
being
two
systems
of
utopian
communism
in
France
the
Icarian
communists
of
Cabet
and
in
Germany
that
of
Weitling
Socialism
in
1847
signified
a
bourgeois
movement
communism
a
working
class
movement
Socialism
was
on
the
Continent
at
least
quite
respectable
whereas
communism
was
the
very
opposite
And
since
we
were
very
decidely
of
the
opinion
as
early
as
then
that
the
emancipation
of
the
workers
must
be
the
task
of
the
working
class
itself
we
could
have
no
hesitation
as
to
which
of
the
two
names
we
should
choose
Nor
has
it
ever
occured
to
us
to
repudiate
it


Working
men
of
all
countries
unite
But
few
voices
responded
when
we
proclaimed
these
words
to
the
world
42
years
ago
on
the
eve
of
the
first
Paris
Revolution
in
which
the
proletariat
came
out
with
the
demands
of
its
own
On
September
28
1864
however
the
proletarians
of
most
of
the
Western
European
countries
joined
hands
in
the
International
Working
Men
s
Association
of
glorious
memory
True
the
International
itself
lived
only
nine
years
But
that
the
eternal
union
of
the
proletarians
of
all
countries
created
by
it
is
still
alive
and
lives
stronger
than
ever
there
is
no
better
witness
than
this
day
Because
today
as
I
write
these
lines
the
European
and
American
proletariat
is
reviewing
its
fighting
forces
mobilized
for
the
first
time
mobilized
as
one
army
under
one
flag
for
one
immediate
aim
the
standard
eight
hour
working
day
to
be
established
by
legal
enactment
as
proclaimed
by
the
Geneva
Congress
of
the
International
in
1866
and
again
by
the
Paris
Workers
Congress
of
1889
And
today
s
spectacle
will
open
the
eyes
of
the
capitalists
and
landlords
of
all
countries
to
the
fact
that
today
the
proletarians
of
all
countries
are
united
indeed


If
only
Marx
were
still
by
my
side
to
see
this
with
his
own
eyes

Fredrick
Engels
May
1
1890
London



The
1892
Polish
Edition


The
fact
that
a
new
Polish
edition
of
the
Communist
Manifesto
has
become
necessary
gives
rise
to
various
thoughts


First
of
all
it
is
noteworthy
that
of
late
the
Manifesto
has
become
an
index
as
it
were
of
the
development
of
large
scale
industry
on
the
European
continent
In
proportion
as
large
scale
industry
expands
in
a
given
country
the
demand
grows
among
the
workers
of
that
country
for
enlightenment
regarding
their
position
as
the
working
class
in
relation
to
the
possessing
classes
the
socialist
movement
spreads
among
them
and
the
demand
for
the
Manifesto
increases
Thus
not
only
the
state
of
the
labour
movement
but
also
the
degree
of
development
of
large
scale
industry
can
be
measured
with
fair
accuracy
in
every
country
by
the
number
of
copies
of
the
Manifesto
circulated
in
the
language
of
that
country


Accordingly
the
new
Polish
edition
indicates
a
decided
progress
of
Polish
industry
And
there
can
be
no
doubt
whatever
that
this
progress
since
the
previous
edition
published
ten
years
ago
has
actually
taken
place
Russian
Poland
Congress
Poland
has
become
the
big
industrial
region
of
the
Russian
Empire
Whereas
Russian
large
scale
industry
is
scattered
sporadically
a
part
round
the
Gulf
of
Finland
another
in
the
center
Moscow
and
Vladimir
a
third
along
the
coasts
of
the
Black
and
Azov
seas
and
still
others
elsewhere
Polish
industry
has
been
packed
into
a
relatively
small
area
and
enjoys
both
the
advantages
and
disadvantages
arising
from
such
concentration
The
competing
Russian
manufacturers
acknowledged
the
advantages
when
they
demanded
protective
tariffs
against
Poland
in
spit
of
their
ardent
desire
to
transform
the
Poles
into
Russians
The
disadvantages
for
the
Polish
manufacturers
and
the
Russian
government
are
manifest
in
the
rapid
spread
of
socialist
ideas
among
the
Polish
workers
and
in
the
growing
demand
for
the
Manifesto


But
the
rapid
development
of
Polish
industry
outstripping
that
of
Russia
is
in
its
turn
a
new
proof
of
the
inexhaustible
vitality
of
the
Polish
people
and
a
new
guarantee
of
its
impending
national
restoration
And
the
restoration
of
an
independent
and
strong
Poland
is
a
matter
which
concerns
not
only
the
Poles
but
all
of
us
A
sincere
international
collaboration
of
the
European
nations
is
possible
only
if
each
of
these
nations
is
fully
autonomous
in
its
own
house
The
Revolution
of
1848
which
under
the
banner
of
the
proletariat
after
all
merely
let
the
proletarian
fighters
do
the
work
of
the
bourgeoisie
also
secured
the
independence
of
Italy
Germany
and
Hungary
through
its
testamentary
executors
Louis
Bonaparte
and
Bismarck
but
Poland
which
since
1792
had
done
more
for
the
Revolution
than
all
these
three
together
was
left
to
its
own
resources
when
it
succumbed
in
1863
to
a
tenfold
greater
Russian
force
The
nobility
could
neither
maintain
nor
regain
Polish
independence
today
to
the
bourgeoisie
this
independence
is
to
say
the
last
immaterial
Nevertheless
it
is
a
necessity
for
the
harmonious
collaboration
of
the
European
nations
It
can
be
gained
only
by
the
young
Polish
proletariat
and
in
its
hands
it
is
secure
For
the
workers
of
all
the
rest
of
Europe
need
the
independence
of
Poland
just
as
much
as
the
Polish
workers
themselves

F
Engels
London
February
10
1892



The
1893
Italian
Edition


Publication
of
the
Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party
coincided
one
may
say
with
March
18
1848
the
day
of
the
revolution
in
Milan
and
Berlin
which
were
armed
uprisings
of
the
two
nations
situated
in
the
center
the
one
of
the
continent
of
Europe
the
other
of
the
Mediterranean
two
nations
until
then
enfeebled
by
division
and
internal
strife
and
thus
fallen
under
foreign
domination
While
Italy
was
subject
to
the
Emperor
of
Austria
Germany
underwent
the
yoke
not
less
effective
though
more
indirect
of
the
Tsar
of
all
the
Russias
The
consequences
of
March
18
1848
freed
both
Italy
and
Germany
from
this
disgrace
if
from
1848
to
1871
these
two
great
nations
were
reconstituted
and
somehow
again
put
on
their
own
it
was
as
Karl
Marx
used
to
say
because
the
men
who
suppressed
the
Revolution
of
1848
were
nevertheless
its
testamentary
executors
in
spite
of
themselves


Everywhere
that
revolution
was
the
work
of
the
working
class
it
was
the
latter
that
built
the
barricades
and
paid
with
its
lifeblood
Only
the
Paris
workers
in
overthrowing
the
government
had
the
very
definite
intention
of
overthrowing
the
bourgeois
regime
But
conscious
though
they
were
of
the
fatal
antagonism
existing
between
their
own
class
and
the
bourgeoisie
still
neither
the
economic
progress
of
the
country
nor
the
intellectual
development
of
the
mass
of
French
workers
had
as
yet
reached
the
stage
which
would
have
made
a
social
reconstruction
possible
In
the
final
analysis
therefore
the
fruits
of
the
revolution
were
reaped
by
the
capitalist
class
In
the
other
countries
in
Italy
in
Germany
in
Austria
the
workers
from
the
very
outset
did
nothing
but
raise
the
bourgeoisie
to
power
But
in
any
country
the
rule
of
the
bourgeoisie
is
impossible
without
national
independence
Therefore
the
Revolution
of
1848
had
to
bring
in
its
train
the
unity
and
autonomy
of
the
nations
that
had
lacked
them
up
to
then
Italy
Germany
Hungary
Poland
will
follow
in
turn


Thus
if
the
Revolution
of
1848
was
not
a
socialist
revolution
it
paved
the
way
prepared
the
ground
for
the
latter
Through
the
impetus
given
to
large
scaled
industry
in
all
countries
the
bourgeois
regime
during
the
last
forty
five
years
has
everywhere
created
a
numerous
concentrated
and
powerful
proletariat
It
has
thus
raised
to
use
the
language
of
the
Manifesto
its
own
grave
diggers
Without
restoring
autonomy
and
unity
to
each
nation
it
will
be
impossible
to
achieve
the
international
union
of
the
proletariat
or
the
peaceful
and
intelligent
co
operation
of
these
nations
toward
common
aims
Just
imagine
joint
international
action
by
the
Italian
Hungarian
German
Polish
and
Russian
workers
under
the
political
conditions
preceding
1848


The
battles
fought
in
1848
were
thus
not
fought
in
vain
Nor
have
the
forty
five
years
separating
us
from
that
revolutionary
epoch
passed
to
no
purpose
The
fruits
are
ripening
and
all
I
wish
is
that
the
publication
of
this
Italian
translation
may
augur
as
well
for
the
victory
of
the
Italian
proletariat
as
the
publication
of
the
original
did
for
the
international
revolution


The
Manifesto
does
full
justice
to
the
revolutionary
part
played
by
capitalism
in
the
past
The
first
capitalist
nation
was
Italy
The
close
of
the
feudal
Middle
Ages
and
the
opening
of
the
modern
capitalist
era
are
marked
by
a
colossal
figured
an
Italian
Dante
both
the
last
poet
of
the
Middle
Ages
and
the
first
poet
of
modern
times
Today
as
in
1300
a
new
historical
era
is
approaching
Will
Italy
give
us
the
new
Dante
who
will
mark
the
hour
of
birth
of
this
new
proletarian
era

Fredrick
Engels
London
February
1
1893


By
bourgeoisie
is
meant
the
class
of
modern
capitalists
owners
of
the
means
of
social
production
and
employers
of
wage
labor
By
proletariat
the
class
of
modern
wage
laborers
who
having
no
means
of
production
of
their
own
are
reduced
to
selling
their
labor
power
in
order
to
live
Engels
1888
English
edition


That
is
all
written
history
In
1847
the
pre
history
of
society
the
social
organization
existing
previous
to
recorded
history
all
but
unknown
Since
then
August
von
Haxthausen
1792
1866
discovered
common
ownership
of
land
in
Russia
Georg
Ludwig
von
Maurer
proved
it
to
be
the
social
foundation
from
which
all
Teutonic
races
started
in
history
and
by
and
by
village
communities
were
found
to
be
or
to
have
been
the
primitive
form
of
society
everywhere
from
India
to
Ireland
The
inner
organization
of
this
primitive
communistic
society
was
laid
bare
in
its
typical
form
by
Lewis
Henry
Morgan
s
1818
1861
crowning
discovery
of
the
true
nature
of
the
gens
and
its
relation
to
the
tribe
With
the
dissolution
of
the
primeval
communities
society
begins
to
be
differentiated
into
separate
and
finally
antagonistic
classes
I
have
attempted
to
retrace
this
dissolution
in
Der
Ursprung
der
Familie
des
Privateigenthumus
und
des
Staats
second
edition
Stuttgart
1886
Engels
1888
English
Edition


Guild
master
that
is
a
full
member
of
a
guild
a
master
within
not
a
head
of
a
guild
Engels
1888
English
Edition


This
was
the
name
given
their
urban
communities
by
the
townsmen
of
Italy
and
France
after
they
had
purchased
or
conquered
their
initial
rights
of
self
government
from
their
feudal
lords
Engels
1890
German
edition


Commune
was
the
name
taken
in
France
by
the
nascent
towns
even
before
they
had
conquered
from
their
feudal
lords
and
masters
local
self
government
and
political
rights
as
the
Third
Estate
Generally
speaking
for
the
economical
development
of
the
bourgeoisie
England
is
here
taken
as
the
typical
country
for
its
political
development
France
Engels
1888
English
Edition

Not
the
English
Restoration
1660
1689
but
the
French
Restoration
1814
1830
Engels
1888
German
edition

This
applies
chiefly
to
Germany
where
the
landed
aristocracy
and
squirearchy
have
large
portions
of
their
estates
cultivated
for
their
own
account
by
stewards
and
are
moreover
extensive
beetroot
sugar
manufacturers
and
distillers
of
potato
spirits
The
wealthier
british
aristocracy
are
as
yet
rather
above
that
but
they
too
know
how
to
make
up
for
declining
rents
by
lending
their
names
to
floaters
or
more
or
less
shady
joint
stock
companies
Engels
1888
German
edition

The
revolutionary
storm
of
1848
swept
away
this
whole
shabby
tendency
and
cured
its
protagonists
of
the
desire
to
dabble
in
socialism
The
chief
representative
and
classical
type
of
this
tendency
is
Mr
Karl
Gruen
Engels
1888
German
edition

Phalanst
res
were
Socialist
colonies
on
the
plan
of
Charles
Fourier
Icaria
was
the
name
given
by
Cabet
to
his
Utopia
and
later
on
to
his
American
Communist
colony
Engels
1888
English
Edition


Home
Colonies
were
what
Owen
called
his
Communist
model
societies
Phalanst
res
was
the
anem
of
the
public
palaces
planned
by
Fourier
Icaria
was
the
name
given
to
the
Utopian
land
of
fancy
whose
Communist
instituions
Cabet
portrayed
Engels
1890
German
Edition

The
party
then
represented
in
Parliament
by
Ledru
Rollin
in
literature
by
Louis
Blanc
in
the
daily
press
by
the
Reforme
The
name
of
Social
Democracy
signifies
with
these
its
inventors
a
section
of
the
Democratic
or
Republican
Party
more
or
less
tinged
with
socialism
Engels
English
Edition
1888

This
proposition
I
wrote
in
the
preface
to
the
English
translation
which
in
my
opinion
is
destined
to
do
for
history
what
Darwin
s
theory
has
done
for
biology
we
both
of
us
had
been
gradually
approaching
for
some
years
before
1845
How
far
I
had
independently
progressed
towards
it
is
best
shown
by
my
Conditions
of
the
Working
Class
in
England
But
when
I
again
met
Marx
at
Brussels
in
spring
1845
he
had
it
already
worked
out
and
put
it
before
me
in
terms
almost
as
clear
as
those
in
which
I
have
stated
it
here

Lassalle
personally
to
us
always
acknowledged
himself
to
be
a
disciple
of
Marx
and
as
such
stood
on
the
ground
of
the
Manifesto
But
in
his
first
public
agitation
1862
1864
he
did
not
go
beyond
demanding
co
operative
workshops
supported
by
state
credit

Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party
Karl
Marx
and
Frederick
Engels

Marxists
Internet
Archive
marxists
org
2000
Transcription
and
markup
Zodiac
and
Brian
Basgen